Origins of Washington’s Fleet
August-October 1775

-North Atlantic Ocean:-

The Origins of Washington’s Fleet:

“. . . a few hearty damns . . . would have a much better effect . . .”

Boston Bay

1. The Idea

By late September 1775 the siege of Boston had settled down into a state of equilibrium. The British Army, sealed up in Boston, could come out and fight; it could expand its beachhead, but only at terrible cost in casualties to itself. Bunker Hill was proof that the Americans, when behind entrenchments, could and would fight very hard indeed. And Boston was surrounded by Americans, who had been entrenching for five months. By contrast, the Continental Army was basically raw and untrained, did not have siege cannon nor enough powder to undertake a long bombardment of the British. The quality of the troops prevented any assault directly on the town itself. And, of course, the Royal Navy prevented any thought of starving the British out, for it held open the supply lines by which the British Army and the town, lived.

The Americans could not present any threat to these sea lanes, but obtaining more supplies was one of the major concerns of Gage and Graves through the spring and early summer. The amount of food and fuel that arrived at Boston was restricted, and various American efforts to limit the foraging expeditions, the capture of American provision vessels, and the general free navigation of sounds and bays by small British cruisers had produced a further restriction. Washington knew of British difficulties with supply and pondered. On 10 September 1775 he noted, in a letter to his brother, that:

Unless the Ministerial Troops in Boston are waiting for reinforcements, I cannot devise what they are staying there after; and why (as they affect to despise the Americans,) they do not come forth, and put an end to the contest at once. They suffer greatly for want of fresh Provisions, notwithstanding they have pillaged several Islands of a good many Sheep and Cattle. They are also scarce of Fuel . . . In short, they are, from all accts. suffering all the Inconveniences of a Siege . . .1

Long before he wrote this letter, Washington had already decided to strike at these British supply lines by fitting out small cruisers.

Washington, searching for authority to attack the British at sea, decided his authority lay in the vague authority given him by Congress and in the desperate need of his forces for powder. Anything taken from the British would help the Americans and add woe to the British position. The performance of the Royal Navy under Graves was scarcely a deterrent. Manning could be done by combing out sailors from the Army, and officers could be appointed in the Continental Army or detached from the present troops.

Perhaps as early as 4 August 1775, more probably by 15 August, a small schooner had been chartered at Beverly for conversion to a cruiser. She was the Hannah, the first vessel of Washington’s Fleet, and was a 78 ton schooner. Her charter rate was $1.00 per ton per month, and she was in service for two months and twenty-one days, at a total cost of $208.06 (or £32.8.0).2 Hannah, named after Colonel John Glover’s, wife, was then moored at Beverly.3

2. Hannah On Patrol, September-October 1775

a. First Patrols

While Hannah was fitting out at Beverly, Washington drew up instructions for his first seagoing crew. The men were combed from Colonel John Glover’s Massachusetts (Marblehead) Regiment to a total of thirty-six. The companies of Captain Nicholson Broughton and Captain Thomas Grant contributed half the total and Broughton was selected to command the vessel.4 Nicholson Broughton was “a Man of some property and note in the said Town” of Marblehead, and was recommended by Glover to command the Hannah.5 He was age 50, and was a pretentious, contentious, and acquisitive man.6

Hannah fitted out at Beverly through the last part of August. Glover’s ledger reveals her portledge bill amounted to £  The crew was to be drafted from Glover’s Marblehead regiment, but a sailing master, master’s mate and four sailors were hired at Beverly on 24 August. These men were definitely not in the Army. The crew was to be fifty men.8 Thirty-six privates were drafted from Glover’s regiment, with twelve from Broughton’s own company.9 On 24 August this “Company of Volunteers arrived from Cambridge for privateering.” at Marblehead.10 Before going aboard the Hannah, took leave at Marblehead first.

Moylan, defending Glover’s schooner’s reputation later, said that the “Strongest proof of his good opinion of the schooner” was that Glover had ventured his “brother & his favourite son on board of her.”11  The “brother” was his brother-in-law Richard James, her sailing master. The son was John Glover, Jr., age 20, a Lieutenant in the elder Glover’s regiment. He became First Lieutenant of the Hannah. Her second Lieutenant was John Devereaux, also a lieutenant in the Marblehead regiment and husband of Broughton’s daughter.12

By late August Hannah had been armed with four 4-pounders, a few swivels.13 She was ready for her crew to go aboard.

On 2 September 1775, Washington Issued Broughton his sailing orders, noting that Broughton, being a “Captain in the Army of the United Colonies of North America”14 was to take command of his detachment and proceed aboard the Hannah, “lately fitted out & equipp’d with Arms, Ammunition and Provisions,” and now at Beverly.15

Washington was detailed and specific: Broughton was to sail at once against “such Vessels as may be found on the High Seas or elsewhere, bound inward and outward to and from Boston, in the service of the ministerial Army, and to take and seize all such Vessels. . .”16 Any prizes were to be sent into a port near the Army, under a careful prizemaster who was to immediately notify Washington. Broughton was to diligently search for enemy mall, and to forward any found which might give warning of enemy Intentions to Washington. Prisoners were to be treated kindly, nor were their private goods to be seized, and all prisoners were to be turned over to headquarters when port was made. Engagement with the enemy was to be avoided, for “the Design of this Enterprize, being to intercept the Supplies of the Enemy,. . . will be defeated by your running into unnecessary engagements.”17 Broughton was strictly charged to be “extremely careful and frugal” with his ammunition, which was very scarce.18

In the sixth article, Washington set up a scale of prize money for the “encouragement” of the officers and men. They were to share one third the value of the cargo only, unless it was a military cargo. Provision was made for the occasions when more than one vessel participated in a capture, but again rather vaguely. The prize shares were distributed as follows:

Ratings/Prize Shares For Continental Army Naval Squadron at Boston

(Washington’s Fleet)


Prize Share



First Lieutenant


Second Lieutenant





1½ shares


1½ shares

Gunner’s Mate

1½ shares


1½ shares




1½ shares

Private (each)

1 share19

Washington, being new to the business of operating a Navy, could be excused two lapses in his instructions. First, in enumerating vessels eligible for capture, he added the phrase “. . . or which you shall have good Reason to susspect are in such service.”20 The mercenary captains viewed this as a loophole and tried to take every advantage from it in their cruising, claiming every capture was legal under this phrase. Second, Washington provided no prize money for recaptures of American vessels. He would undertake to “recommend it to Such person to make a suitable Compensation to those who have done such a Service,”21 but no more than that. Both of these lapses were to have an immediate effect.

Broughton sailed from Beverly at 1000 on 5 September 1775, with a fair wind.22 She steered southeast keeping Halfway Rock to starboard.23 About 1700 Broughton saw two warships, which also sighted him and gave chase.24 These were HM Frigate Lively (Captain Thomas Bishop) and HM Sloop Savage (Commander Hugh Bromedge).25 Hannah steered north towards Cape Ann. As daylight faded the British broke off the pursuit.  When dawn broke on 6 September, the lookouts on Hannah spotted a large vessel laying on her lee quarter,26 off Eastern Point,27 which immediately gave chase. Lively had waited the night out, hopig her quarry would come forth, but Broughton took Hannah into Gloucester.28 About sunset, Hannah nosed out from Cape Ann, and, no warships in sight, stood south through the night.29

Continental Army Schooner Hannah sailing on patrol from Marblehead, Massachusetts. A modern painting by Nowland Van Powell. Hannah is a conjectural reconstruction based on typical vessels of the period. From Van Powell, The American Navies of the Revolutionary War, 23. Larger version.



When dawn broke on 7 September, Broughton sighted a ship under his lee quarter. He thought she was a large one and suspected he had found another British warship. Hannah steered away from the suspect, but the stranger made no move to chase, so Broughton put about and moved in closer. She carried no cannon, so Hannah gave chase and soon came up with her. Upon being hailed, the master replied he was from “Pescatugua, & bound to Boston.”30 “I told him he must bear away and go into Cape Ann, but being very loth, I told him if he did not, I should fire on him, on that he bore away . . .”31 Broughton followed the prize into Cape Ann Harbor. The prize was soon in revealed to be the ship Unity. The prisoners were dispatched to the Committee of Safety, and Broughton wrote his first report.32

At Gloucester a boarding officer was cooly received, treated as “I would rather have expected from a polite Enemy than a Friend to our Cause as Americans . . .,” Broughton later wrote.33 Broughton discovered his prize was a recapture. She was the ship Unity34 (Flagg),35 26036 or 300 tons,37 owned by John Langdon38 of New Hampshire, a delegate to the Continental Congress from that colony. Unity had sailed for the West Indies on 5 September 1775, with a cargo of fish, beef,39 and lumber,40  and had been captured by the Lively (Captain Thomas Bishop), a few miles from Thatcher’s Island. A midshipman and six sailors were sent aboard her to take her into Boston.41

Broughton delivered the prisoners into the care of the Gloucester Committee of Safety, and asked the committee to forward them to Washington at Cambridge. The master of the ship was also forwarded to camp for examination. Broughton declared to Washington that he would sail again immediately.42

Broughton, however, did not sail. Either he was suspicious of the Unity and her master, or he was disturbed over the possible loss of prize money. He made a minute examination of the cargo. On 9 September he wrote to Washington, pointing out the cool treatment received by the boarding officer, the excess (in Broughton’s opinion) quantities of fish, provisions, and lumber aboard, and charging that the Unity had been intended for Boston, rather than the West Indies. He suggested moving the ship to Beverly, as a more secure harbor. Perhaps to excuse his delay in port, Broughton explained that his first lieutenant (young Glover) had been accidentally wounded.43

The same day that Broughton dispatched his opinion that John Langdon’s ship was trading with the enemy, the prisoners (a midshipman and six or eight sailors) and her master arrived at camp.44 At Cambridge, Flagg had been examined and the prize crew sent to prison. It did not take long to determine Unity’s status and she was ordered released to an agent of John Langdon’s.

By 21 September Washington was able to inform Langdon that he had ordered the ship given up to Langdon’s agent. He recommended a reward for Broughton, Glover and Devereaux, and “I should have done the same thing in behalf of the Men . . . but for their exceeding ill behaviour upon that occasion—I was obliged to send for, and bring them here Prisoners instead of prosecuting a scheme I had in view with the people of Hallifax, & I hope to bestow a reward of a different kind upon them for their Mutinous behaviour. . .”45

When Langdon’s agent arrived in Cape Ann with the order from Washington to restore the Unity, a wave of resentment swept over the crew. They had envisioned prize money. Joseph Searle, a private in Broughton’s company and thus presumably acquainted with the captain, headed a delegation to protest the return of the ship. Searle’s objections became vehement and he was arrested. Twelve more men rushed to free their shipmate from the warrant officers. Broughton ordered them arrested too. The arms chest was broken open and weapons handed out. The rest of the crew came on deck. Searle was freed and the armed crew defied Broughton and the officers.46

The Gloucester Committee of Safety sent off an express to headquarters, asking for help. Washington sent a detachment to seize the mutineers. As soon as the troops arrived the disorder ceased. A little time to think may have helped. The men were disarmed and thirty-six arrested and marched off to Cambridge for trial. A letter from Cambridge on 14 September reported that “The Rascals are brought down here, and I hope they will meet their deserts.”47

When the injured officer, First lieutenant John Glover, Jr. recovered, he found that he, Lieutenant Devereaux, and Broughton had been recommended to Langdon for rewards by Washington. As for the crew Washington hoped “to bestow a reward of a different kind upon them for their Mutinous behavior . . .”48 Langdon eventually paid Broughton $60, Glover $40, and Devereaux $30 as a reward.49

The courts-martial must have gone rather quickly. The entire crew was accused of “Mutiny, Riot, and Disobediance of orders.” The ringleader, one Joseph Searle, was sentenced to thirty-nine lashes and to being drummed out of the army; thirteen more were sentenced to twenty lashes and to being drummed out of the army; twenty-two were to be fined twenty shillings each; three had their sentences suspended as “being proper objects of mercy.” On 22 September, a General Order was published with the names of the mutineers and their sentences, with notification that the whippings were to be carried out on 23 September.50 At the last moment, Washington relented, and only one man was lashed: Joseph Searle.51

Hannah now lay at Gloucester, nearly unmanned. More soldiers were ordered aboard from Glover’s Marblehead regiment, or perhaps most of the mutinous crew was returned to the schooner. By the end of September Hannah was ready to sail again.52

About 28 September Broughton began to make a few tentative patrols. He would sail in the morning and return to Marblehead in the evening. Seldom did he venture to windward of Baker’s Island.53 For the next ten days these routine daylight only patrols were made. Finally, Washington sent Glover to put a stop to the day-sailing.54

Unity was still at Cape Ann on 3 October, when Langdon’s agent received a letter from Flagg. The Committee of Safety wished him to take the ship to sea, or at least move to Beverly, as a safer place. Not from the enemy, but from the “resentment” of the town, presumably a “resentment” over her release and the punishment handed out to Hannah’s crew. Thompson told Flagg to stay put unless he was forced to move. Further, it was up to the Committee of Safety to preserve ship and cargo. Thompson advised Langdon of the situation.55

3. Expanding the “Enterprize” October 1775

Despite the miserable beginning, Washington was determined to pursue his idea. By 30 September he had ordered Colonel John Glover to seek and obtain other vessels to arm as cruisers. Washington wanted to have three additional cruisers.56 Several vessels had, in the past, fallen into American hands one way or another, and all had been turned over to Massachusetts. Now Washington thought he might be able to use these vessels. On 2 October, Colonel Joseph Reed (Washington’s secretary) inquired of James Warren (President of the Massachusetts General Court) if the government of Massachusetts would direct the various Committees and persons having control of these vessels to cooperate with the General and his delegates in the task.57

The Massachusetts General Court decided, on 3 October, to offer Washington two recent prizes, the schooner Industry (taken at Marblehead) and the brigantine Dolphin (taken at Gloucester). They were to be used at Continental expense, but Washington was to give receipts for them, in other words, he was to acknowledge Massachusetts’ title.58

Anticipating the Massachusetts action, Reed wrote to the Committees of Salem (where the Industry was located) and Gloucester, on 4 October, informing them of Washington’s request to use these vessels and advising that Colonel John Glover was to be in charge of the fitting out.59 Later in the day, Washington received the vote of the Massachusetts House. After studying the terms, he chose not to “meddle with either of the Vessels-”60 Glover was accordingly to obtain two other vessels, “prime Sailors,” and to do it quickly. He was to go to Salem, Newburyport, and other towns for ships and guns. Mr. Stephen Moylan was associated with Glover to get the work done.”61

Washington now set up a detailed charter for Glover and Moylan. They were to obtain vessels, appraise them, charter them, obtain guns and supplies, and in general, fit vessels for sea. Contracts made by them would be honored. They were to appoint agents in the ports, and to advise headquarters when the vessels were ready, so that crews could be supplied.62

Washington took the opportunity of a letter to John Hancock, on 5 October, to inform the Congress that he was fitting out warships. He let Hancock know that he was giving one-third of the cargo only to the captors as prize money, and informed him of the plans for the vessels. Washington wanted Congress to set up a proper method for disposal of prizes, and to set up rules for captures.63

The same day that Washington was telling Hancock about his cruisers, Hancock was writing Washington about another matter. For some time the Congress had sought a means to intercept two ordnance ships sailing for Canada.64 After detailing some possibilities of intercepting these vessels, Hancock added that Washington could use “such other vessels as might be available.” Hancock was following the wording of the resolve of the Congress that day. This was an indirect authorization for Washington*s Fleet.65

Meanwhile, on 8 October, Washington was able to commission the second vessel in his little Fleet. A nearly identical set of instructions was issued to Captain Sion Martindale, for the brig Washington. The main difference was the addition of a surgeon to the crew, with four prize shares. She had started out as the schooner Eagle, but Martindale changed her name and rig.66

4. Action off Beverly, 10 October 1775

Broughton sailed again on the night of 6 October 1775. By dawn he was some ten miles northeast of Boston. A vessel was sighted in the distance and chased: a small transport coming from Newfoundland to Boston. The transport got into Nantasket Road before Hannah came up. Broughton fired four shots at her at long range and then stood north.67

The lieutenant commanding the transport reported to Admiral Graves. Graves surmised the raider was the schooner Diligent, captured at Machias. In any case he ordered HM Sloop Nautilus to sea, on 8 October, to seek out the “Rebels,” and return to Nantasket Road in eight days.68

Hannah stood out from Beverly on her usual morning cruise on 10 October, and had been out for a short time when she encountered the Nautilus.69 Two days later Broughton was returning from his patrol,70 coming in between Baker’s Island and Little Misery Island.71 She was sighted by the Nautilus, apparently standing in for Salem, and Collins began a hot pursuit of the Hannah.72  Broughton sighted Nautilus about five miles east by south of Halfway Rock, standing north. Collins steered west, making for Beverly.73 Collins, thinking the stranger might be the vessel he was looking for, began the chase about 1300, off Marblehead.74 Broughton, unable to make Beverly,  ran the schooner aground in a small cove, Beverly Cove, just outside Beverly Harbor.75 Nautilus came in as near as possible, within gunshot range but not close enough to fire grapeshot, and began firing at the Hannah. The tide being near the ebb, Nautilus could not close with the Hannah, so Collins anchored offshore, brought his broadside to bear76 at about 1530,77 and began firing on the Hannah.78 The Americans from Beverly could be seen busily stripping Hannah of guns, sails, rigging and other materials.79 Collins hoisted out his boats and prepared combustibles to burn the schooner, but the falling tide left her high and dry.80

Several of Nautilus’ shots had passed over Hannah and struck the town of Beverly, and the town militia began to beat assembly. Acting under Colonel Henry Herrick, the Beverly militia dragged two small cannon over to Watch-House Point, and began to fire on the Nautilus about l600.81 Collins tried to put a spring on his cable, to warp Nautilus from side to side and take the artillerymen under fire, but the hawser broke. The second time he tried it, Nautilus was discovered to be fast aground.82 As the tide continued to ebb, Nautilus careened, allowing no guns to bear on the Americans.83

An 1893 topographic map of the area of Beverly Cove. As can be seen Nautilus had gotten into a circle of fire.


As the Nautilus rolled on her side, about 200 militia from Salem came down and occupied Hospital Point on Salem Neck.84 They brought some 4-pounders and 6-pounders with them.85 As the militia unlimbered, Nautilus got off the first shot,86 but the Americans were soon banging away, and, after eight to ten rounds, were laying their guns quite well.87 A number of musket men clambered into the rocks near the shoreline on the Beverly side, and began sniping at anything that moved on the Nautilus’ deck.88 Collins was in trouble, and it wasn*t getting any better. About 1930 the British set sail in an attempt to get off,89 for the tide was coming back in by now. Darkness was coming on,90 the Americans were preparing to board and burn the Nautilus,91 when the tide lifted her off the mud. Collins at once set sail and stood to sea about 2000.92

The affair spoke very ill of American gunnery. For over four hours the Nautilus had been under fire.93 Although the Americans supposed several British to be killed or wounded,94 the truth was rather different. Collins reported two men wounded,95 and another British officer noted that one man was killed and one wounded.96 The Nautilus was frequently hit, with twenty shot in the hull and hammocks, and rigging and sails cut up considerably. Collins noted that the Americans had fired high. He had one gun dismounted and a swivel gun destroyed in the affair.97

The Americans, with incredible luck, had only one wounded man, who lost his hand in loading one of the cannon.98 The Hannah was very little damaged99 by the British fire, but the efficient American stripping operation had left her bare. It was the end of her career. She was brought round to Beverly and returned to her owners about 5 November 1775.100

5. Fitting Out The Fleet: Glover, Moylan, Bowen at Work

The day before Hannah ran afoul of Nautilus, on 9 October 1775, Moylan and Glover reported to Washington on their current activities, and included the news that the Hannah was to be replaced. Filed from Salem, the letter noted that they were having trouble getting carpenters to work on the vessels. One schooner was to have been ready on 12 October, but it would be at least the 14th before she was prepared. The commander and crew could be dispatched from camp on that day. The other would be ready by 18 October. Glover and Moylan noted that it was necessary to furnish additional sails for the chartered vessels, for the suit normally used in peacetime was insufficient for a warship. Moylan then noted that, while Glover had a high opinion of the Hannah, his brother-in-law and son were serving on her, it was thought best to replace her with a better vessel, for which purpose a schooner had been chartered from Thomas Stevens of Marblehead.101

This vessel was the 74-ton schooner Two Brothers,  and she was at Beverly fitting out. She was appraised by Glover and Edward Fettyplace at £315.8.0 on 12 October,102 and had been hired for 4/p per ton per month.103 This schooner became the Lee and was to be ready about 23 October 1775.104

On the 10th, Glover and Moylan split up, for there was much to do. Moylan traveled to Newburyport, met with Tristram Dalton, and appointed him an agent for the little fleet. He was to have 2½% of the sales from any prize’s cargo and 2½% of the value of any supplies furnished to the cruisers. Moylan noted that three vessels were fitting out.105

While Moylan was appointing an agent, Glover and Fettyplace were appraising vessels. The schooner Speedwell, a 72-ton vessel owned by Thomas Grant of Marblehead, was valued at £331.6.8. She became the Hancock.106 The schooner Eliza, owned by Archibald Selman of Marblehead, 60 tons, was valued at £300.3.8. She was renamed Franklin.107 Both vessels were at Beverly being fitted out.

Eliza had been taken up on 5 October, being rented from Selman for 6s per ton per month. This schooner had ben used in August by the army for some project, being rented at that time for £18 per month, and was in use for about three weeks.108

In Cambridge, General Nathaniel Greene’s Rhode Island troops were ordered to furnish a crew for the brigantine Washington. If insufficient men were found in the Rhode Island Regiment, the other Regiments in Greene’s Brigade were to be searched until the full crew was arrived at.109

On 11 October, Washington passed on his concerns to Moylan and Glover. While he was pleased with the arrangements to date, he was unhappy that the vessels could not be ready sooner. “Important Advices” had recently been received which told of British transports due to arrive soon. Washington ordered that Moylan and Glover “. . .immediately set every Hand to Work that Can be procured.” One of the two was to go to Newburyport and obtain a fourth vessel. Moylan, who had been sent on another errand by headquarters, was to be recalled (if he had left) and sent to Newburyport. The first two schooners were to be provisioned for six weeks for seventy men. One day before the vessels were ready to sail, headquarters was to be notified, and the crews would be sent.110

Glover and Fettyplace appraised the Two Brothers, as we have seen, on 12 October. They also appraised the 64-ton schooner Hawk, owned by John Twisdon of Marblehead on 12 October. She was at Beverly being fitted out to become the Warren. Her value was placed at £340.10.0.111 A recap of the vessels at Beverly on this day may be useful:

Washington’s Fleet: 12 October 1775


Old Name






Stripped, damaged, in harbor


Two Brothers


Fitting out




Fitting out




Fitting out


Eliza (Elizabeth)


Fitting out

By 12 October, Washington had received Hancock’s letter dated 5 October. He was now prepared to tell Congress how extensive his plans were, and readily agreed to use two of his cruisers to intercept the rumored ordnance vessels. Washington added that one of his cruisers (Hannah) was at sea when the letter had arrived. He enclosed a copy of Broughton’s instructions for the perusal of the Congress. Since the Congress had agreed to pay a little more than Washington had found necessary, he was going to withhold that part of the news from his seamen, promising only an extra reward for “extraordinary Activity.”112 Since the idea had already been advanced that the two vessels on this cruise were to be paid more, it was necessary to correct this idea, which was done by Reed in a letter to Glover, and added “Lose no Time”113

Washington had apparently selected the two captains he was going to send on this cruise to Canada, for Broughton was ordered to recruit his crew to seventy men Including officers, and to await further orders. He was specifically told not to recruit from the Marblehead coast defense company without permission from the Marblehead Committee of Safety. Similar orders were given on 12 October to Captain John Selman.114 Moylan, on his other errand for Washington in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, took advantage of his time to appoint Colonel Joshua Wentworth as the agent in New Hampshire (Portsmouth) for Washington*s Fleet.115

Washington, still looking for more cruisers, had decided to equip one or more at Plymouth. Glover was busy at Beverly, Moylan was at Portsmouth, and then was going to Newburyport. Accordingly, on 13 October, Captain Ephralm Bowen, Jr. was ordered to go to Plymouth and supervise the conversion of Captain Daniel Adams* schooner. Adams had departed with carpenters a few days earlier. If Bowen found Adams’ vessel to be unsuitable, he was to obtain another, but not to pay more than 5/ per ton per month as charter. Guns were to be obtained at Plymouth. En route, Bowen was to call on James Warren at Watertown, who would nominate a person to act as agent at Plymouth. If Bowen named this person he would be on the same footing as those at Marblehead and Salem. Provisions were to be furnished for fifty men for one month.116 Bowen was also given a letter of introduction to the Plymouth Committee of Safety.117

By 15 October, Glover reported to Washington that the two vessels for Broughton and Selman were ready to take aboard the crews. He also suggested each man bring a cutlass or pike, for guns were very “unhandy” in boarding operations. All the provisions were ready, except bread, which was very expensive. Selman*s crew was complete, except ten men, which he was planning to take from the regiment. Broughton was ill (sick with a cold from abandoning the Hannah) and had no crew. He too, planned to take his men from the regiment. Glover thanked Washington for his intention to appoint Glover’s son to command of one of the cruisers.118 Reed prodded Moylan that day: “We are very anxious to hear of the Armed Vessels being ready for sea. Every Day, nay every Hour is precious. It is now 14 Days Since they were set on Foot, Sure they cannont be much longer in preparing. . .”119

Meanwhile, Bowen was in Kingston on 15 October, trying to find Adams. Tracking him down at last, Adams agreed to meet Bowen at Plymouth, with the schooner, at 1700.120 The next day, Bowen agreed to hire Adams’ vessel and called on the Committee to present his letter. Here he met William Watson, who was duly appointed as the agent in Plymouth.121

Washington, receiving Glover’s letter of the 15th, wrote to Moylan and Glover on the 16th. Broughton and Selman had their orders and must sail. The price for bread was too high, but yet it must not interfere with dispatching the schooners. Captain John Glover, Jr. would command the seventh vessel fitted out, but, because of his youth and inexperience, he had agreed to serve as second in command under Captain John Manley for a while.122 Washington now drew up sailing orders for Selman and Broughton.

First, Washington stated the object of the expedition. The Congress had received word that two very valuable ordnance brigantines were en route to Canada, with powder and 6000 muskets. Broughton and Selman were to proceed to the mouth of the St. Lawrence River and intercept the brigantines. Any other vessels or transports in the service of the “Ministerial Army or Navy” were to be seized. However, vessels which were “the Property of the Inhabitants of Canada, not employed in any Respect in the Service of the ministerial army, you are to treat. . .with all Kindness and by no Means suffer them to be injured or molested.” Broughton was to act as Commodore of the two vessels. If the brigantines had already passed by, the two were to keep station as long as possible, to intercept shipping fleeing from the expected fall of Canada to the American Army. Broughton and Selman were to avoid warships and discovery if possible. Finally, Washington agreed to give, as prize money, one third the value of any cargo taken (including military stores) as well as one-third the value of the vessel. Only private stock of the crew and passengers and wearing apparel was excepted.123

On 17 October Bowen reported his activities to Washington and stated that the vessel would be ready in five days, provided guns could be obtained. He had examined the local artillery, and, if he must, could go to Providence, Rhode Island and obtain cannon there.124 Reed replied the same day with extensive information. Captain Sion Martindale would deliver the letter and Bowen was to consult with him on arming Adams’ schooner. Martindale was en route to fit out a schooner belonging to George Ewing (75%) and Captain Benjamin Wormwell (25%). Bowen was to assist Martindale, who was to command the vessel. Wormwell could enlist as Master if he chose. Bowen was to come to terms with Wormwell. Bowen could go to Providence or Bristol after guns, but Reed cautioned that when “Gentlemen. . .go among their Friends, they are apt to stay too long & are induced to favour their Friends in such Articles as may be wanted so as to delay the Business. . .” Bowen was cautioned about the low state of powder not allowing the vessels to be fitted out in every way, “. . .nor will the Time Admit.”125

Enclosed with the letter to Bowen were the instructions for William Watson as Agent. He was to keep on hand provisions for the cruisers should they call on him for provisions, but without special orders to the contrary, he was never to stock a vessel for more than fifty men for one month. He was to return original invoices as vouchers and to keep a general ledger of his business, which would become an affidavit when signed by a justice of the peace. He was to take charge of prizes, cooperate with agents appointed by the crew to receive prize money, send papers to Washington, and in general, look after prizes and cargos as Continental property. Watson was to consider himself an agent for all the cruisers, not only those from Plymouth. He was to report an misconduct or negligence by the officers and crew to “the General.”126

And what do fifty men eat in one month? Reed provided a provision list for Watson, lest he be swayed by captain or crew. Each sc&dier was allowed by Congress the following:

Per day:

1 pound fresh beef (or 3/4 pound pork, or 1 pound salt fish); 1 pound of bread(or flour); 1 pint of milk (when available); 1 quart of spruce beer (or 9 gallons of molasses per 100 men)

Per week:

3 pints of peas (or beans, or equivalent); 1/2 pint rice (or 1 pint Indian meal; 3 pounds candles per 100 men; 24 pounds soft soap (or 8 pounds hard soap) per 100 men

In addition, recognizing the difference between service ashore and service afloat, Washington authorized the following extras:

Per day:

1/4 pound rice per day; Indian meal to be substituted for milk; potatoes to be substituted for beans and peas; salt; butter; candles; and molasses to be used with the rice at breakfast; rum substituted for the beer (1 gill per man)

For the officers:

25 pounds coffee, 25 pounds chocolate, 75 pounds sugar, 10 gallons West India rum127

The same day that Bowen and Watson were getting their instructions, Washington wrote a blistering letter to Glover. Reed said “The General is much dissatisfied” and he was correct. Washington was concerned that Broughton and Selman would not sail for several days, and that the other vessels would not be ready for two weeks. This was hard to believe but “...the long Delay already & frequent Disappointment makes us give some Credit.” Reed adds “I cannot but think a Desire to secure particular Friends or particular Interests does mingle In the Management of these vessels...& In Short it is said In plain Terms, that it will be made a job of” Unless Glover could guarantee one to be ready in five days, then a vessel must be gotten at Newburyport. No less than six transports arrived In Boston yesterday. If our cruisers are watched, they must run out to sea, prizes taken could be sent to any coastal port. Reed adds, “We are told that our Vessels make a Practice of running In every Night when they have been out & the Men come on shore-This must be rectified.” Captain John Manley was to command one of the vessels, General Sullivan was to furnish another. Manley*s crew was to come from Glover’s regiment. Finally, Reed adds “I have said so much upon Dispatch that-I need Say no more than that if they are not soon at Sea we shall heartily repent it was ever undertaken.”128

Chastised, Moylan and Glover reported on 19 October that Broughton end Selman were ready to sail on the 20th, except for some small details, the chief of which was the absence of a Surgeon aboard the Franklin (Selman). They suggested sending one from camp, for neither was sure the Franklin would sail without one.129 Reed replied the same day: a Committee from Congress had just arrived in camp and he hadn’t time for a long answer, but “For Gods Sake, hurry off the Vessels that are to cruize-Transports without Convoy arrive every day at Boston.” He enclosed letters to Broughton and Selman and asked Moylan to deliver them in person.130 These warned Broughton that a third ordnance vessel had sailed under escort of HMS Lizard, a 28 gun frigate. He was to be cautious approaching this vessel.131

Meanwhile, Bowen and Martindale looked at Wormwell’s vessel and decided it was suitable for the purpose intended. Bowen further reported that the guns (four 3-pounders)132 in Plymouth were available and he was getting them aboard, along with seven swivels. There was also powder available here, but a letter from Washington was going to be required before the Committee would release any. The sehooner would be ready for sea by night of 21 October, except for cartridges, and those could be made up when the crew arrived. Adams had agreed to sail as master.

Then Bowen reported that Martindale was giving a little trouble. Martindale thought the schooner big enough to have twelve guns and sixteen to twenty swivels, end promised to give “a good account” of himself if so armed. Bowen wanted instructions on how to proceed in fitting her out. While writing this, Wormweli arrived and wanted more money than was available, and more than Adams was getting. Bowen asked for more instructions.133

Reed replied on 20 October. Colonel James Warren was going to intercede with Wormwell to lower his rate, and, since the local Committee owned 75% of the vessel, if they wouldn’t give it up for public use, Bowen must contract with them, as with a private owner. Washington much approved Bowen’s conduct in the cause, especially his rapidity. Captain Colt, the commander would be sent as soon as possible, but Washington wanted Bowen to stay until the vessels had sailed. Martindale could stay and assist. Again, Bowen was cautioned against Martindale’s “extravagance.” His vessel was to have no more than eight, ten at most, cannon: “The Design is to intercept the Enemy’s Supplies, not to look out for the Enemy’s Armed Vessels.”134 Reed enclosed the letter from Washington designed to loosen the Plymouth Committee’s grip on their powder.135 He also sent one off to the Bristol Committee, to pave the way for Bowen if he needed to go there to obtain cannon.136

Now Reed turned to Moylan and Glover. After struggling all day to get a decision from the man, Reed had secured a Dr. Spofford as Surgeon aboard the Franklin, and he was packing now and would leave shortly. Since the British now had several small cruisers at sea, Reed suggested the two schooners set up a signal code, then he added: “What do you think of a Flag with a White Ground, a Tree in the Middle-the Motto (Appeal to Heaven)-This is the Flag of our floating Batteries.” This was the famous Pine Tree Flag. Finally Reed added that the two could send out the Hannah on a cruise if they so desired and it was to “good purpose.”137

October 22 was a red letter day for Washington. That morning, at Beverly, Moylan called on Captains Selman and Broughton, aboard their vessels. He asked each Captain to produce his sealed orders, delivered on 19 October. When these were handed to Moylan, he turned them over, examined the seals to see if they were broken, and then silently handed them back.138 With this little drama, the preparation was over. Moylan and Glover were only too pleased to begin their report “The Schooners Commanded by Captains Broughton & Siliman Saild this morning. . .”139

With two at sea, work was intensified on the others. Moylan and Glover reported on 22 October that the vessel to be manned from Sullivan’s Brigade would be ready on 28 October. They recommended that the crew be allowed to visit home before embarking, as they would do it anyway, and if leave were granted they would be easier to round up on the 26th. Both Captains were needed now to superintend the final work. This letter must have elated Washington.140 He wasted no time, for Captain William Coit (of Connecticut) received his orders to command the Harrison the same day.141

Washington had conferred with the Committee from Congress on a number of issues, and had begun a lengthy conference on naval matters on 18 October, which was continued to 22 October, then 23 October. The determinations of this meeting were as follows: the conference agreed that Massachusetts should authorize privateering and grant commissions and that captures made by Washington’s Fleet be disposed of by him, until Congress gave further direction;142 the division of prize money was approved as given by Washington, except that the amount was raised to one-third of the entire prize (cargo and all); prisoners taken on transports or ships in arms were to be considered prisoners of war, to be disposed of as other prisoners of war; transport crews were to be released for the time being, but not after 7 April 1776; the Committee finally was asked to approve the fitting out of the cruisers and did so.143

Bowen also reported good news on 22 October. Wormwell had dropped his price, and solicited a First or Second Lieutenancy, which was approved by Martindale. Work had already begun on the vessel, and Bowen hoped she would be ready by 29 October.144 The Harrison now had her charter filed by Bowen. She was a 64-ton schooner, formerly named the Triton, laying at Plymouth, owned by Daniel Adams. Her charter began on 16 October and was at the rate of 5/4 per ton per month. Harrison’s valuation was given as £

Meanwhile, Moylan wrote privately to Reed on 24 October. Glover had shown Moylan the letter from Reed in which the reference to “jobbing” occurred. Moylan reported that Glover was “mortified much.” and added that he believed that Glover really had the public interest at heart. Moylan continued that fitting out vessels here was very different from Philadelphia or New York. Here “you must Search all over Salem Marblehead Danvers & Beverly for every little thing.” In addition the carpenters were surly, wouldn’t work on Sunday and had to be cried after, shouted at, scolded and so forth to get them productive. Moylan also thought it best to send an outsider to get something done in a small town because “the Spirit of equality” which prevails would make him afraid of “exerting that authority Necessary” to get things done. “He must shake evey Man by the hand, & desire, beg, & pray, do brother, do my freind, do such a thing, whereas a few hearty damns from a person who did not Care a damn for them would have a much better effect.”146 Well and truly said.

On 25 October Reed informed Moylan and Glover that Captain Coit had marched for Plymouth on the 24th and that a ten gun brigantine was to be ready there by Sunday. Captain Adams and his men were to march for Beverly on 27 October, and Glover’s son was drawing supplies that Moylan had sent him after. He also enclosed instructions for all the Agents, and desired them to be all on the same arrangement as to pay. Finally, he urged Manley and Adams to coordinate their activities and signals.147

By 27 October young Glover had returned, but without the main item: swivel shot. Moylan reported to Reed the rest of the story. Young Glover did not get swivel shot, but reported to Moylan there was plenty of 4 ounce bullets. As Moylan said “if he had one ounce of Sense” he would have known that was the same thing. Young Glover had also applied to have a subaltern and twenty more men added to the crew. Since father Glover chose not to get involved, Moylan told young Glover that fifty men, fifty only, were going aboard. The reason young Glover wanted the other men was to get the young officer, a friend, aboard. Moylan would allow the friend, but not the soldiers. Where is Captain Adams, Moylan wondered, the vessel is nearly ready. Manley, in the Lee, was ready to sail except that his crew was still collecting. If even thirty were aboard tomorrow, she would sail, said Moylan. Cape Ann had been determined to be the rendezvous for Lee and Warren (Adams’ vessel).148 The next day, Manley was ready to sail, and awaited only a fair wind to be off. Adams was still being looked for, and Reed was reminded that Adams must bring his Gunner and Sergeant with him.149

Meanwhile, pilot Jesse Harlow at Plymouth, was hired to take the Harrison to Bearch Point, in preparation for to Colt going aboard. Harlow took her out on 27 October and presumably ran her aground.150 On 29 October, Colt was given permission to shift into another vessel if he lost no time, but Washington really preferred him to stay in the Harrison.151

Moylan and Glover appointed William Bartlett to be Continental Agent at Beverly on 29 October, and Glover took the same job at Marblehead.152

Reed wrote to Bowen on 29 October, wondering where he was and why he had not been heard from. Martindale’s crew were marching on the 30th, because Reed thought the vessel was ready. The two vessels at Marblehead were to sail today (Lee and Warren).153

Bowen had been trekking over half of Rhode Island since 24 October in an effort to acquire cannon for Martindale’s vessel. He went to the committee in Bristol, who referred him to a man with cannon to sell, whose price was too high. Bowen went to the Rhode Island militia, who refused to turn over cannon without an order from the Deputy Governor, who wasn’t home. When Bowen contacted the governor, a council meeting was held, and the cannon were released but no swivels. Ah, but the man with the cannon for sale had swivels too. So Bowen went back to buy the swivels, but the owner wanted a package sale only. Finally Bowen bought the package, and arranged shipping from Bristol to Plymouth.154

Reed drew up a report, possibly for Washington, on this day, concerning the fleet. The vessels were as follows:

Washington’s Fleet: 29 October 1775








At sea to the St. Lawrence




At sea to the St. Lawrence




Marblehead, to sail 10/29




Marblehead, to sail 10/29




Plymouth, to sail 10/30




Plymouth (at sea)

The following agents had been appointed to serve in the various ports:

Washington’s Fleet: Agents



Tristram Dalton

Newburyport, MA

Joshua Wentworth

Portsmouth, NH

Jonathan Glover

Marblehead, MA

William Bartlett

Beverly, MA

William Watson

Plymouth, MA

Captain Ephraim Bowen acted as superintendent at Plymouth and Stephen Moylan and Colonel Jonathan Glover were at Salem and Marblehead as superintendents.155

On 30 October, Tristram Dalton resigned his agency at Newburyport, asking and recommending that Colonel Jonathan Titcomb replace him.156 Reed, writing to Moylan and Glover, approved Moylan’s withholding the twenty men from Glover, Jr.; noted that Captain Winborn Adams’ crew would march at once, that ammunition was coming; and that future letters be addressed to Edmund Randolph, since Reed was taking a leave of absence.157

Watson reported to Washington on 30 October that Harrison would sail in the afternoon of that day, that Washington would be ready in two or three days, if Martindale and Bowen arrived with her guns. Powder and ammunition must be sent from the camp, as there was none to spare in Plymouth.158

On 1 November 1775, Bowen finally arrived back at Plymouth bringing the cannon for the Washington. He observed that Harrison was aground.159

Meanwhile, Washington, on 2 November, ordered Watson to suspend fitting out any more vessels because of the lateness of the season and the difficulty of obtaining cannon. He also waited “impatiently” to know when to order Washington’s crew to march.160 That same day, the Massachusetts authorities agreed to sell the 75% of the cargo seized on board the Endeavour, and to appraise the vessel, and to give Washington the use of the 75% of the vessel, which had been converted to the Washington.161

Martindale, writing to headquarters, asked to have his crew (80 to 100 men) sent down, certain ammunition items, and a Lieutenant, for Wormwell had refused to sail. Meanwhile Harrison was still in port,162 but had at least gotten afloat again.163 An appraisal that day shows the Harrison armed with four 4-pounders, seven swivels, and two cohorns.164

On or before 2 November, the Lee (Manley) arrived at Plymouth, to pick up the Harrison and sail with her, but bad weather continued to delay the sailing. Both were to sortie in the morning of 2 November, but were still at Plymouth on the 3rd. The Washington was nearly complete,165 and her charter agreement was finally arrived at. Bowen agreed to pay 5/4 per ton per month.166

At this point the “Enterprize” may be said to have been fairly launched. The first prizes were captured within a few days, Broughton and Selman were at sea far to the north, the organization was in place, and the routine of the sea war began to exert itself. It is now time to turn from the hammering of carpenters and the curses of superintendents to the smell of salt air and follow the cruise of Broughton and Selman.

1 NDAR, “George Washington to John Augustine Washington,” II, 67-68

2 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan and Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 368-369 and 369n. The note refers to Colonel John Glover’s Colony Ledger.

3 Clark, George Washington’s Navy 7

4 NDAR, “General Orders of George Washington,” II, 175-176 and 176n.

5 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 3

6 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 7

7 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan and Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 368-369 and 369n. The note refers to Colonel John Glover’s Colony Ledger.

8 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 4

9 NDAR, “General Orders of George Washington,” II, 175-176 and 176 note, says ten from Broughton’s company. Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 5 says twelve.

10 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 5

11 NDAR, “Stephen Moyland and Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 368 and 368-369 notes.

12 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 5; NDAR, “Stephen Moyland and Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 368 and 368 note

13 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 5

14 Commissioned 19 May 1775 in Glover*s Massachusetts Regiment.

15 NDAR, “George Washington*s Instructions to Captain Nicholson Broughton,” I, 1287—1289

16 Ibid.

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid.

22 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36

23 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 7

24 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36

25 Hearn, George Washington’s Schooners, 15

26 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36

27 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 7

28 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36

29 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36

30 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36 and note

31 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36

32 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36 and note

33 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 56-57

34 NDAR, “George Washington to John Langdon,” II, 169 and note

35 NDAR, “Thomas Thompson to John Langdon,” II, 277 and note

36 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 8

37 NDAR, “Boston Gazette, Monday, September 11, 1775,” II, 75 and notes

38 NDAR, “George Washington to John Langdon,” II, 169 and note

39 NDAR, “Essex Journal, Friday, September 8, 1775,” II, 45 and note

40 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 56-57; “Boston Gazette, Monday, September 11, 1775,” II, 75 and notes

41 NDAR, “Essex Journal, Friday, September 8, 1775,” II, 45 and note; “Boston Gazette, Monday, September 11, 1775,” II, 75 and notes. The second paper says six to eight sailors. The location of the capture is established by the  “Journal of H.M.S. Lively, Captain Thomas Bishop,” in NDAR, II, 19 and note. However the specific incident referred to there is the capture of a brig (not a ship) with a prize crew of  a petty officer (not a midshipman) and three sailors (not six or eight).

42 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 36

43 NDAR, “Captain Nicholson Broughton to George Washington,” II, 56-57

44 NDAR, “Boston Gazette, Monday, September 11, 1775,” II, 75 and notes

45 NDAR, “George Washington to John Langdon,” II, 169 and note

46 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 9-10. Clark cites the Boston Gazette of 18 September 1775 and the “Journal of Phineas Ingalls” in the Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, LIII, 87.

47 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 10

48 NDAR, “George Washington to John Langdon,” II, 169

49 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover, Marblehead,” II, 490

50 NDAR, “General Orders of George Washington,” II, 175-176 and 176 note

51 NDAR, “Journal of Private Phineas Ingalls,” II, 186

52 Clark, George Washington’s Navy,10-11

53 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 11

54 Hearn, George Washington’s Schooners, 21

55 NDAR, “Thomas Thompson to John Langdon,” II, 277 and note

56 NDAR, “Letter From The Camp At Cambridge,” II, 262

57 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to James Warren,” II, 268

58 NDAR, “Journal of the Massachusetts House of Representatives,” II, 278-280

59 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to the Committee of Salem and Gloucester,” II, 289

60 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover,” II, 289-290

61 Ibid.

62 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover and Stephen Moylan,” II, 290

63 NDAR, “George Washington to John Hancock,” II, 301

64 See below.

65 NDAR, “Journal of the Continental Congress,” II, 307-309 and 308-309 note; “John Hancock to George Washington,” II, 311-312

66 NDAR, “George Washington’s Instructions to Captain Sion Martindale,” II, 354-355

67 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 11

68 NDAR, “Narrative of Vice Admiral Samuel Graves,” II, 362 and note

69 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note

70 NDAR, “Captain John Collins, R.N., to Vice Admiral Samuel Graves,” II, 417-418

71 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 11

72 NDAR, “Captain John Collins, R.N., to Vice Admiral Samuel Graves,” II, 417-418

73 Clark, George Washington’s Navy, 12

74 NDAR, “Journal of H.M. Sloop Nautilus, Captain John Collins,” II, 386; “Captain John Collins, R.N., to Vice Admiral Samuel Graves,” II, 417-418

75 NDAR, “New England Chronicle, Thursday, September 28 to Thursday, October 12, 1775,” II, 416 and note; “Narrative of Vice Admiral Samuel Graves,” II, 438-440

76 NDAR, “New England Chronicle, Thursday, September 28 to Thursday, October 12, 1775,” II, 417-418

77 NDAR, “Journal of H.M. Sloop Nautilus, Captain John Collins,” II, 386

78 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note

79 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of William Wetmore, Salem,” II, 386

80 NDAR, “Captain John Collins, R.N., to Vice Admiral Samuel Graves,” II, 417-418

81 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note; “Journal of H.M. Sloop Nautilus, Captain John Coffins,” II, 386

82 NDAR, “Journal of H.M. Sloop Nautilus, Captain John Collins,” II, 386

83 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note

84 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note; “Interleaved Almanacs of William Wetmore, Salem,” II, 386

85 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note

86 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of William Wetmore, Salem,” II, 386

87 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of William Wetmore, Salem,” II, 386

88 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note

89 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of William Wetmore, Salem,” II, 386

90 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note

91 NDAR, “New England Journal, Thursday, September 28, to Thursday, October 12, 1775,” II, 416

92 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note; “New England Chronicle, Thursday, September 28, to Thursday, October 12, 1775,” II, 416

93 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of William Wetmore, Salem,” II, 386

94 NDAR, “New England Chronicle, Thursday, September 28, to Thursday, October 12, 1775,” II, 416

95 NDAR, “Captain John Collins, R.N., to Vice Admiral Samuel Graves,” II, 417-418

96 NDAR, “Diary of Lieutenant John Barker,” II, 571

97 NDAR, “Journal of H.M. Sloop Nautilus, Captain John Collins,” II, 386; “Captain John Collins, R.N., to Vice Admiral Samuel Graves,” II, 417-418

98 NDAR, “Interleaved Almanacs of John White, Salem,” II, 385-386 and 385-386 note

99 NDAR, “New England Chronicle, Thursday, September 28, to Thursday, October 12, 1775,” II, 416

100 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan and Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 368-369 and 369 note

101 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan and Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 368-369 and 369 note

102 NDAR, “Appraisal of the Two Brothers,” II, 412

103 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan and Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 368-369 and 369 note

104 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan and Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 368-369 and 369 note

105 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan to Tristram Dalton,” II, 384-385

106 NDAR, “Appraisal of the Speedwell,” II, 387

107 NDAR, “Appraisal of the Eliza,” II, 387

108 NDAR, “Bill of Archibald Selman for Hire of Armed Schooner Franklin,” IV, 33-34

109 NDAR, “An Orderly Book Kept At Cambridge in 1775,” II, 387

110 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Stephen Moylan and Colonel John Glover,” II, 398-399

111 NDAR, “Appraisal of the Hawk,” II, 412-413

112 NDAR, “George Washington to John Hancock,” II, 415-416

113 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover,” II, 416

114 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Captain Nicholson Broughton,” II, 416

115 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan to George Washington,” II, 434

116 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr.,” II, 436-437

117 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to the Plymouth Committee,” II, 437

118 NDAR, “Colonel John Glover to George Washington,” II, 459-461

119 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Stephen Moylan,” II, 461

120 NDAR, “Journal of Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr.,” II, 462

121 NDAR, “Journal of Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr.,” II, 475-476

122 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover and Stephen Moylan, Marblehead,” II, 472

123 NDAR, “Additional Instructions from George Washington to Captain Nicholson Broughton,” II, 474

124 NDAR, “Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr. to George Washington,” II, 490-491

125 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr.,” II, 491-492

126 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to William Watson, Plymouth,” II, 492-494

127 NDAR, “Ration of Provision for George Washington’s Armed Vessels,” II, 494

128NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover, Marblehead,” II, 490

129 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan and John Glover to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 517

130 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Stephen Moylan,” II, 517-518

131 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Captain Nicholson Broughton,” II, 518

132 NDAR, “Journal of Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr.,” II, 475-476

133 NDAR, “Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr. to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 519-520

134NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr., Plymouth,” II, 536-537

135 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to the Plymouth Committee,” II, 537

136 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to the Bristol Committee,” II, 538

137 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover and Stephen Moylan, Salem,” II, 538

138 NDAR, “Narrative of Captain John Selman,” II, 565

139 NDAR, “Stephen Moyland and Colonel John Glover to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 565-567

140 NDAR, “Stephen Moyland and Colonel John Glover to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 565-567

141 NDAR, “George Washington’s Instructions to Captain William Coit,” II, 567-568

142 NDAR, “Minutes of a Conference of Congressional Delegates and Others with George Washington,” II, 568-569

143 NDAR, “Minutes of a Conference of Congressional Delegates and Others with George Washington,” II, 568-569

144 NDAR, “Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr. to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 589-590

145 NDAR, “Charter Agreement for the Armed Schooner Harrison of Washington’s Fleet,” II, 572-573

146 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 589-590

147 NDAR “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover and Stephen Moylan,” II, 600-601

148 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 617-619

149 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan and Colonel John Glover to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 622

150 NDAR, “Jesse Harlow’s Accounts against William Watson,” II, 620; “Colonel Joseph Reed to Captain William Coit, Plymouth,” II, 636

151 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Captain William Coit, Plymouth,” II, 636

152 NDAR, “Agreement of William Bartlett to Serve as Continental Agent at Beverly,” II, 635; “Agreement of Jonathan Glover to Serve as Continental Agent at Marblehead,” II, 635-636

153 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Captain Ephraim Bowen,” II, 636-637

154 NDAR, “Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr. to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 639

155 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed’s Report on Washington’s Armed Vessels,” II, 637-638

156 NDAR, “Tristram Dalton to Stephen Moylan,” II, 641

157 NDAR, “Colonel Joseph Reed to Colonel John Glover and Stephen Moylan,” II, 642

158 NDAR, “William Watson to George Washington,” II, 644

159 NDAR, “Journal of Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr.,” II, 841

160 NDAR, “Stephen Moylan to William Watson,” II, 855

161 NDAR, “Journal of the Massachusetts House of Representatives,” II, 856

162 NDAR, “Captain Sion Martindale to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 859

163 NDAR, “Journal of Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr.,” II, 859

164 NDAR, “Appraisement of the Schooner Triton,” II, 860

165 NDAR, “Captain Ephraim Bowen, Jr. to Colonel Joseph Reed,” II, 870; “William Watson to George Washington,” II, 870-871

166 NDAR, “Charter Party for the Armed Brig Washington,” II, 871

Revised 6 August 2014 ©