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Continental Navy Cutter Revenge





Revenge

Captain Gustavus Conyngham

Armed Cutter

2 May 1777-[19] March 1779

Continental Navy Cutter


Commissioned/First Date:

2 May 1777

Out of Service/Cause:

[19] March 1779/sold out of service


Tonnage:

130, 140, 150


Battery:

Date Reported: 15 May 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels: several


Date Reported: 11 June 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

18/

Total: 18 cannon/

Broadside: 9 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 12 June 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

12/6-pounder    72 pounds  36 pounds

Total: 12 cannon/72 pounds

Broadside: 6 cannon/36 pounds

Swivels:


Date Reported: 12 June 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 17 June 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels: [several]


Date Reported: 19 June 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

12/

Total: 12 cannon/

Broadside: 6 cannon/

Swivels: [several]


Date Reported: 3 July 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

14/4-pounder    56 pounds  28 pounds

Total: 14 cannon/56 pounds

Broadside: 7 cannon/28 pounds

Swivels:


Date Reported: 5 July 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

14/4-pounder    56 pounds  28 pounds

Total: 14 cannon/56 pounds

Broadside: 7 cannon/28 pounds

Swivels:


Date Reported: 10 July 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight     Broadside

16/

Total: 16 cannon/

Broadside: 8 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 17 July 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight     Broadside

14/

Total: 14 cannon/

Broadside: 7 cannon/

Swivels: twenty-two


Date Reported: 19 July 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight     Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels: [several]


Date Reported: 19 July 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

20/4-pounder    80 pounds  40 pounds

Total: 20 cannon/80 pounds

Broadside: 10 cannon/40 pounds

Swivels:


Date Reported: 25 July 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight     Broadside

16/

Total: 16 cannon/

Broadside: 8 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 10 August 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

16/4-pounder    64 pounds  32 pounds

Total: 16 cannon/64 pounds

Broadside: 8 cannon/32 pounds

Swivels: sixteen


Date Reported: 11 March 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight     Broadside

14/

Total: 14 cannon/

Broadside: 7 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 24 March 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight     Broadside

10/

Total: 10 cannon/

Broadside: 5 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 26 March 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight    Broadside

16/

Total: 16 cannon/

Broadside: 8 cannon/

Swivels:




Crew:

(1) 12 June 1777: 50-60 [total]
(2) 10 July 1777: 130 [total]
(3) 17 July 1777: 106 [total]
(4) 17 July 1777: 95 [total]
(5) 19 July 1777: 90 [total]
(6) 25 July 1777: 100 [total]
(7) 10 August 1777: 100 [total]
(8) 11 March 1778: 57 [total]
(9) 26 March 1778: 42 [total]


Description:

(1) Smuggling vessel, painted blue and white, very fast; (2) clinker-built cutter, with tarred sides and a black bottom; one yellow molding along her gunwale, with nine gun ports on each side, and a row port between each one; stanchions on top of the gunwale all around, probably to support a netting; stern had a round taffrail painted black with a yellow molding; a driver boom, a very tall topmast, and a royal mast, with a removable, small, mizzen mast.


Officers:

(1) First Lieutenant John Beach, [May] 1777-; (2) First Lieutenant Matthew Lawler, -19 March 1778; (3) Master Thomas Hease, [July] 1777-; (4) First Mate John Hutchinson, July 1777-9 October 1777; (5) Benjamin Peel [prize master], December 1777; (6) Cruise [prizemaster], August 1777; (7) Surgeon Josiah Smith, [July] 1777-


Cruises:

(1) Dunkerque, France to El Ferrol, Spain, 17 July 1777-23 August 1777

(2) El Ferrol, Spain to La Coruņa, Spain, 20 September 1777-2 October 1777

(3) La Coruņa, Spain to La Coruņa, Spain, 5 October 1777-1 November 1777

(4) La Coruņa, Spain to El Ferrol, Spain, 30 November 1777-3 December 1777

(5) El Ferrol, Spain to, Bilboa, Spain [20] December 1777-[25] December 1777

(6) Bilbao, Spain to Bilbao, Spain, 10 January 1778-[17] January 1778

(7) Bilbao, Spain to Cadiz, Spain, 6 March 1778-26 March 1778

(8) Cadiz, Spain to The Groyne (near La Coruņa, Spain), 16 April 1778-1 May 1778

(9) The Groyne (near La Coruņa, Spain, to [an inlet near La Coruņa, Spain], 23 May 1778-20 August 1778

(10) [An inlet near La Coruņa, Spain] to St. Pierre, Martinique, French West Indies, 1 September 1778-9 October 1778

(11) St. Pierre, Martinique, French West Indies to St. Eustatius, Netherlands West Indies, 26 October 1778-14 November 1778

(12) St. Eustatius, Netherlands West Indies to St. Pierre, Martinique, French West Indies, 16 November 1778-21 November 1778

(13) St. Pierre, Martinique, French West Indies to St. Pierre, Martinique, French West Indies, 29 November 1778-20 December 1778

(14) St. Pierre, Martinique, French West Indies to St. Pierre, Martinique, French West Indies, 28 December 1778-2 January 1779, with the French fleet

(15) St. Pierre, Martinique, French West Indies to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 5 February 1779-21 February 1779


Prizes:

(1) Sloop [Schooner] Happy Return, 20 [21] July 1777, in the North Sea

(2) Brig Northampton (Thomas Hall [William Gray]), 21 [26] July 1777, about 150 miles northeast by east from Spurn Head

(3) Brig Maria (John Warns), 21 [23] July 1777, at 55 22 N, 3 20 E, 150 miles northeast by east from Spurn Head

(4) Brig Patty (John Green), 21 [25] July 1777, at 55 22 N, 3 20 E, 150 miles northeast by east from Spurn Head

(5) Brig Venus (Weeks [Week]), 3 August 1777, [in the English Channel]

(6) Brig Black Prince (Evan Thomas), 22 August 1777, off El Ferrol, Spain

(7) Ship [Brig] Brothers [St. John Evangelist] (Nicholas [Nicolas] Kelly), 25 September 1777, in the Bay of Biscay off the Spanish coast [off Oporto]

(8) Brig [Ship] Two Brothers (Elson), 23 October 1777, off the Portuguese coast [off Cape Finisterre]

(9) Brig Syren (James Renolls), 30 November 1777, off La Coruņa, Spain

(10) Brig Dispatch (Emanuel Le Geyte), 3 December 1777, off La Coruņa, Spain

(11) Brig Gracieux (Emanuel de Tournois), 21 December 1777, off La Coruņa, Spain [off Cape Ortugal]

(12) Ship Hope (William Butler), [12] January 1778, in the Bay of Biscay

(13) Brig Peace and Harmony (George Kennedy), 10/11 March 1778, off the Portuguese coast

(14) Brig Betsey (John Murphy), 11/12 March 1778, off Cabo de São Vincente, Portugal

(15) Snow Fanny (William St, Barbe [Samuel Bacb]), 12/13 March 1778, off Cabo de São Vincente, Portugal

(16) HM Sloop Tender Enterprize, 20 March 1778, WSW of Cadiz, Spain

(17) Brig [unknown], 24 March 1778, off the entrance to the Straits of Gibralter

(18) Ship Hope (Abraham Jones), 24 March 1778, off the entrance to the Strait of Gibralter

(19) Brig Tapley (Holt), 16 April 1778, off the entrance to the Strait of Gibralter

(20) Brig Carbonnere (Carboneer) (Fabian Street), 19 April 1778, off the entrance to the Strait of Gibralter

(21) Countess of Morton [Countess of Mouton] (J. Orrick), 19 April 1778, off the entrance to the Strait of Gibralter

(22) Maria (R. Preto)[ Mary (Philip Preto)], [1] May 1778, in the Bay of Biscay, near La Coruņa, Spain

(23) Brig Honoria Sophia (Peter Heldt), 31 May 1778, off Cape Finisterre, Spain, at 40 N, 12 W from London

(24) Sloop Two Friends, 13 November 1778, off St. Eustatius, Netherlands West Indies

(25) Schooner [unknown], 13 November 1778, off St. Eustatius, Netherlands West Indies

(26) Schooner [unknown], 13 November 1778, off St. Eustatius, Neherlands West Indies

(27) British Privateer Schooner Admiral Barrington (Pelham) 13 November 1778, off St. Eustatius, Netherlands West Indies

(28) British Privateer Brig Loyalist (Morris), 17 November 1778. to windward of St. Martin's, French West Indies

(29) Brig Suckey [Sukey], 9 December 1778. off Antigua, British West Indies


Actions:

(1) Action with ship Hope, 24 March 1778
(2) Action with British Privateer Brig Loyalist, 17 November 1778
(3) Action with unknown British cutter off Barbados, [December] 1778


Comments:



The Fitting Out of the Revenge


Continental Navy Cutter Revenge began her career as a 130-ton2 140, or 150-ton3 smuggling vessel, called the Greyhound. She was reputedly built at Cawsand, near Plymouth, England.4 She was painted blue and yellow.5


She was in American hands by the time the British received their fist report of this cutter on 15 May 1777, and probably had been acquired before 2 May.6 It was stated that the cutter was 140 tons, fitting out to carry 20 guns, plus swivels, and was being fitted out by the same person who had fitted out the Surprize, William Hodge of Philadelphia. On 23 May a further report came that the cutter was fitting out at Dunkerque, France.7


These reports were accurate. The American Commissioners in France, using Hodge, had acquired the Greyhound at Dunkerque8 to replace the lugger Surprize. The United States owned half of the cutter, and Hodge owned one quarter. The other quarter was owned by Ephraim Cunningham & Co. Captain Gustavus Conyngham, then in prison with his crew, was the intended commander. He was already notorious to the British as the former commander of the Surprize and was known as the ≴Dunkirk Pirate.” Hodge was on the scene to expedite the process. The order for Conyngham and his crew’s release from prison was obtained at the request of Franklin and Deane. They kept the order handy for some time without making use of it, fearing the crew would disperse if another vessel were not ready to receive them.9 A new commission was issued to Conyngham, dated 2 May 1777.10


Modern Portrait of Gustavus Conyngham. The Dunkirk Pirate. Painting by V. Zveg, 1976, based on a miniature by Louis Marie Sicardi (1743-1825).The vessel in the background is neither of Conyngham's commands,


Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy. Eighteenth Century print, after a miniature portrait by Louis Marie Sicardi


Revenge’s fitting out process was carried out, of course, under the watchful and suspicious eyes of British spies and observers. The game was secretive and potentially deadly. The French could not acknowledge any assistance; the British wished to prove it; a possible war hung in the balance. On 2 June 1777 Rodolphe-Ferdinand Grand11 called on Silas Deane with words of caution from Vergennes: “he says that his Excellency told him to tell Me, that I had been ill advised, & was betrayed, but did not inform Me in what . . . ” said Deane. He knew it had to do with the Revenge: “With respect to the Cutter at Dunkirk, I mean that last purchased, in which individuals are interested, I can only say that I advised my Freinds to get her away as quick, & as silently as possible, & to stand directly off the Coast” and not to return to France or near her ports. The owners had expended nearly £2000, said Deane, which “they cannot afford to loose.” Deane suggested that he had hoped Captain Conyngham and his crew might “get a passage in her, to their Own Country.” Deane suggested they be released from prison, to be permitted to depart, although “there will be a danger of their not returning, & consequently of Our loosing a Number of brave and honest Subjects.” Deane asked for advice from the French ministry, but was unsure what to do until more explicitly informed.12


On 11 June the British Ambassador to France called on Vergennes to protest the French treatment of the American warships in French ports. Revenge was high on his list of complaints. The Commandant at Dunkerque was fully aware of the proceedings with regard to the cutter, but the fitting out continued. Only positive orders from Paris could stop it. Vergennes suggested the cutter was a smuggler, to which Lord Stormont responded that the cutter was to carry eighteen guns, and that he knew she was to sail with a commission from Franklin and Deane. Vergennes took notes of the details saying he would make a full report to the French king.13


On 12 June HM Cutter Wells (Lieutenant William Hills) arrived at Dunkerque to investigate rumors of a brig loaded for America. He found, on going ashore, an astonishing development. The confinement for Conyngham was over. He was freed on 10 June, at the improbable hour of 2200, to prevent undue witnessing of the event. The American agent, Hodge, was busily fitting out the new cutter, tentatively named the Greyhound, or so thought the British. She was to carry twelve 6-pounders and thirty swivels. Conyngham declared that he intended to sail on 22 June, but Hills thought she would not be ready by then. Conyngham's declaration and freedom had alarmed the masters of the British vessels in Dunkerque, who canceled their sailing plans.14 By 12 June Conyngham was, with part of his crew, proving carriage guns for the Revenge, reported to be a large cutter of 130 tons. British visitors saw this work in progress. Revenge, said the informant, was painted blue and yellow, had been built as a smuggler, and was a very fast sailer. She was to mount twenty guns and carry fifty or sixty men. The Britisher heard she was to sail to Havre de Gras with a French crew. Conyngham and his men would go by land and join her there, to prepare for sea. A brig laying in the road was supposed to have her munitions and stores aboard. This informant, the master of a British fishing vessel, spoke to Conyngham, who told him the guns were for the cutter, and told him he was going after another Harwich packet. The British master heard the same thing from members of the crew the same evening at a public house. This information was in British hands by 14 June.15


Scarcely a day went by without a report from Dunkerque to the British. On the 17th, one A:B reported that Conyngham was busily fitting out the Revenge, a large cutter, on which they have raised Ports for 20 Carriage Guns which she will mount besides Swivels... Conyngham intended to attack the Harwich packets. He had inside sources in London, said the correspondent, which informed him which packets carried money, for that was the object in view.16 Two days later a correspondent at Havre de Grace warned that Revenge was nearly ready for sea, and suggested that it was wise not to send out vessels from Heroic to Holland without escort, for that was where Conyngham said he was going to strike. His crew was a gang of desperadoes, picked up at Dunkerque from amongst the smugglers . . . The vessel was stout, a swift sailer, with twelve guns and swivels.17


On 19 June the Admiralty ordered four sloops, Hazard, Alderney, Camelina, and Pelican, to go to sea and patrol off the Dutch coast in the North Sea, as a guard and to intercept the Revenge when she sailed. A detailed description of the cutter was given to the skippers. According to the Admiraltys information, the Revenge and the Surplice were coming out together. The captains were to also intercept some vessels from South Carolina that were expected on the coast.18 On 28 June the Admiralty alerted Vice Admiral Molyneux Shuldham, Commander in Chief at Plymouth, that the Surplice (with two more guns) and the Greyhound were soon to sail to Havre de Gras or Nantes to complete fitting out, being ferried there by a French crew. Among the crew of one hundred reputed to be recruited for the vessels were seven British deserters, who had absconded with the tender Speedwell.19


In a secret communication from Paris, on 19 June, Lord Stormont advised the British government that the French had released Conyngham and his crew at the request of Franklin and Deane. The Americans left the men in jail for a time, fearing they would disperse if released. Stormont believed that they were now on the Greyhound. Although he had often mentioned this vessel to Vergennes, it would soon sail, but has positive orders to return no more to Dunkirk.20


Frazer reported, on 23 June, that the Revenge and Surprize would sail in about a week. Frazer suggested vessels of force be sent to intercept these vessels, for they were prime Sailors and their crew were a set of most daring and desperate men, almost entirely English & Irish outlawed Smugglers although nearly all had sworn they were Americans at the local Admiralty office. There were only eight or ten Americans among the crew.21


The turbulent aspect of Conynghams crew was demonstrated by an incident in late June. Some of Revenges American crew and the English sailors belonging to a cutter from Deal became engaged in a deadly fight in the streets of Dunkerque. Two men were desperately wounded. The next day the Americans and English armed themselves with cutlasses and prepared for a bigger fight, outside the towns walls. The French military intervened, took several men into custody, and broke up the affair.22


The British diplomatic pressure on the French, and consequently the pressure on the American Commissioners, was beginning to produce hesitation. The French had demanded that Hodge, the agent fitting out the Revenge, give security before she sailed, security that she would not make prizes, even if attacked, or even if title was transferred in America. William Carmichael was dispatched by the American Commissioners to see into this, and arrived at Dunkerque on 30 June. He had orders to allow Revenge to sail only as a merchant vessel, with a cargo bound to America. The parties concerned were disposed to do this, of their own accord, for they were heartily sick of having ever attempted other projects . . . The order from court had prevented this by imposing the security requirement. The owners, strangers in a strange land, could not arrange such security. To sell the vessel would be impossible, due to the circumstances; the cargo only at a great loss. Carmichael implored the Commissioners to appeal the order for obtaining security. 23


Of course obtaining the required security was not the real problem. Greyhound was being fitted out for war, not peaceful trading. She would, however, not be allowed to sail if she were a warship. It was necessary to disguise her intentions through a literal disguise. Greyhound would be sold, or passed off as sold, to an Englishman. She would then clear out for a neutral port. Once at sea, to prevent any difficulties for Hodge, she would be known as the Pegasus, a privateer of North Carolina, commanded by one Richard Allen, who was of course, Gustavus Conyngham. Pursuing this scheme the American Commissioners in France furnished a fake commission in the name of Allen to Conyngham.


On 3 July 1777, Andrew Frazer reported to Lord Weymouth that the Revenge had taken her guns aboard, fourteen 4-pounders, as well as shot. She had not mounted her guns, but stowed them in the hold, with their carriages. This loading was carried out without any particular precautions or secrecy whatever. Revenge bent her sails in the evening and appeared ready for sea. Hodge had not yet obtained security, but had requested that requirement be lifted. If it were not, Frazer thought Revenge would sail anyway. The lugger Surprize was to be sold, Hodge not having enough men to man both, said Frazer.24 Two days later Frazer reported again. He had heard that the cutter was to be sailed to LOrient, Nantes, or some other port on the opposite end of the Channel by a French master and crew. Conyngham and his men were to go overland to join them there. Frazer thought Havre de Grace was the place: the Americans had been heard asking for the best way of getting there.25 This was not the plan, but was a fine deception by Conyngham.


Frazer proceeded to give a detailed description of the cutter. She was, he said, about 150 tons, clinker built, with tarred sides and a black bottom. She had one yellow molding along her gunwale, with nine gun ports on each side, and a row port between each one. There were stanchions on top of the gunwale all around, probably to support a netting. Her stern had a round taffrail painted black with a yellow molding. She had a driver boom, a very tall topmast, and a royal mast. She had a removable, small, mizzen mast. Greyhound had fourteen 4-pounders aboard, but not mounted, and swivel guns, which were also not mounted. Frazer thought she would sail within a few days and hoped the patrolling British warships would catch her.26


On 4 July Lord Weymouth wrote to his ambassador in France with instructions from the king and his government. Lord Stormont was directed to inform the french Ministers, that however desirous His Majesty may be to maintain the present Peace, He cannot from His Respect to His own Honour, and His Regard to the Interest of His trading subjects submit to such strong and public instances of support and protection shewn to the Rebels by a Nation that at the same time professes in the strongest terms its Desire to maintain the present Harmony subsisting between the two Crowns. The shelter given to the armed Vessels of the Rebels, the facility they have of disposing of their Prizes by the connivance of Government, and the conveniencies allowed them to refit are such irrefragable proofs of support, that scarcely more could be done if there was an avowed Alliance betwixt France and them, and that We were in a state of War with that kingdom. After dismissing the usual French argument concerning the activity of individual traders, Weymouth continued The Views of the Rebels are evident. they know that the Honour of this Country, and the proper Feelings of the People in general will not submit to such open violation of olemn Treaties and established Laws acknowledged by all Nations. The necessary consequence must be a War, which is the object they have in view, and they are not delicate in the choice of means that may bring about an end so much desired by them. Lord Stormont was to pass these Reflections to the French ministers and ask for explanations. He was not to menace them, but they must be satisfied Peace. . .cannot be maintained, unless an effectual stop is put to our just causes of complaint. Conveying this message it would hardly be necessary to menace; the British were threatening war.27


While the British ministry was threatening France with a war, Conyngham was still at Dunkerque. The British press thought he was at Havre de Gras. A report from there indicated he had sailed about 8 July. The reporter claimed his new privateer was armed with sixteen guns, twelve swivels, and that he had a crew of 130 men. His actual crew at the time of sailing from Dunkerque was 106, with fourteen guns and twenty-two swivel guns.28 On 8 July a small fishing vessel arrived at Dunkerque, the James & Henry (Joseph Fuller). Fuller found the Revenge in the road, outside the port proper, ready to sail. The next day the cutter was hauled within the gates, her sails removed and her ammunition and stores carried ashore. A guard was placed over the cutter and only her crew permitted to go on board.29


Greyhound (or Revenge) was surely one of the most watched vessels in France. Two British warships lay in the road of Dunkerque on 15 July, HM Sloop Speedwell and Wells. Both were to soon leave. From Dunkerque Frazer reported the port authorities had received new orders on 13 July. American privateers and their prizes were not to be allowed to remain in port any longer than twenty-four hours. Frazer noted that the Greyhound remained in the harbor.30


Plan of the port of Dunkerque in 1777, from Plans des ports de France Click on image for a much larger picture..


On 17 July the British fishing smack James & Henry (Joseph Fuller) was going out of Dunkerque. She was not alone. The Revenge was towed out into the roads about 2000 or 2100, and sailed with the fishing smack, steering northwest. HM Sloop Speedwell had sailed only three days before. Fuller reported, as soon as he arrived at Heroic on 19 July, that Revenge was at sea. She was about 130 tons, said Fuller, with twenty guns, and a great many Swivels, & Full of Men. . . A second fishing smack had sailed from Dunkerque on the 18th. This master stated that fifty of the French Army's Irish Brigade had boarded the Revenge before she sailed. The vessel had gone out, not under Conyngham's command, said this man, but under his lieutenant, John Beach.31 About 1700 on the 17th, her sails were bent, the stores re-shipped, and eight boats towed the cutter out into the road. By 2100 she had sailed. Fuller was just ahead of her and sailed close alongside for fifteen minutes. He heard the commanding officer order the crew to fill their shot lockers and load the guns. She steered northeast by north. Conyngham had, it was said, a crew of ninety men, and fifty of the Irish Brigade were supposed to join him. Fuller was not sure whether Conyngham was aboard or not. He said the cutter carried twenty 4-pounders, was rigged fore and aft, and had a port for sweeps between each gun.32 By the morning of the 18th the cutter was seen off Ostend. The British fleet commanders at Plymouth and Portsmouth were advised Revenge was at sea on the 20th.33


In fact, Greyhound had cleared out as the Levrier, under John Hutchinson of Newcastle, with one Richard Allen as super cargo, bound to Bergen.34 Now as it happened there was a John Hutchinson in Revenges crew, He signed on in the crew on 17 July, the same day Revenge sailed. Hutchinson was a Philadelphia man, born in that city and a resident of it.35 Whoever was the acting commander de jour, Conyngham gave the orders.36 Once at sea the Greyhound (now the Levrier) assumed her other disguise as the Pegasus, and Conyngham became Richard Allen. Her real name, Revenge, was most appropriately chosen.


Conyngham had received orders from the American Commissioners in France. He was instructed not to attack, but if attacked, at Liberty to retaliate in every manner in our powerBurn, Sink & destroy the Enemy.37 These defensive orders were evasive at the least: there was little doubt the British would attempt everything necessary to seize the cutter, thus giving Conyngham the necessary excuse to wage open war.


Hutchinson later said there were ninety-five men aboard the cutter when she sailed, half of whom were French or foreigners. He later also stated that the French aboard served as Marines, possibly giving credence to the tale concerning the soldiers of the Irish Brigade.38 Other reports indicate that at the time she sailed Revenge had fourteen guns, twenty-two swivel guns, and a crew of 106 sailors, of which sixty-six were French. These had been enlisted with the understanding that Revenge would return to Dunkerque in three months.39


Among the officers aboard was the Surgeon, Josiah Smith. Smith was a native of Massachusetts, educated at Cambridge from 1774-1777. He sailed in the merchant vessel Montgomery, from Newburyport for Bordeaux in January 1777. She was captured by HMS Albion on 14 March. He and the other prisoners were sent to Plymouth, closely confined, and robbed. About May 1777 he was released. He wrote to Franklin from London on 4 June, requesting his help with a berth in a cruiser. Smith then turns up aboard the Revenge. Conyngham later said of Smith that he was a man of very troublesome & mutinous disposition.40 Another officer aboard was Master Thomas Hease.41


Revenge in the North Sea


Revenge sailed on the evening of 17 July 1777 from Dunkerque. Conyngham proceeded with Caution and steered north for a time. On the evening of the 18th a frigate was sighted, which chased the Revenge and fired several guns. She was eluded in the dark, but dawn of the 19th revealed another frigate, which was easily outsailed.42 Conyngham later wrote that he was attackd, fired on, chased by several british frigatts, sloops of War & Cutters.43 Conyngham was quite pleased with the way the cutter sailed: the Cutter sails so well that the Risque of Our being taken is not so great. . . The crew was quite another story. As Revenge passed several vessels without stopping them the crew began muttering.44 They wanted prizes.


At least partly to appease his grumbling crew, Conyngham, on 20 July 177745 (or 21 July)46 took a Scotch smuggling Sloop, which we Plundered of some Gin for Stores and Burned. . .47 She was the sloop48 or schooner49 Happy Return, bound from Rotterdam, The Netherlands to Scotland, with a cargo of gin, brandy cordials and tea.50 Another source indicates she was scuttled.51 Conyngham later valued her at *20000 and stated that she was burned in Sight of an English Ship of War.52


A 1930s photograph of a painting by John P. Benson, Kittery, Maine, said to be Revenge in action in the English Channel. This is not the Revenge, which was a single masted cutter.Click on image for a much larger picture. The flag is close to correct, but had no rattlesnake on it, or motto.


Early on the morning of 21 July 177753 Revenge captured54 the 180-ton55 brig Northampton56 (Thomas Hall57 [or William Gray]),58 from Wyburgh in the Baltic bound to her home port of Kings Lynn, England,59 with a cargo of deals,60 boards,61 battens,62 hemp and iron.63 Northampton was owned by George Hogg of Kings Lynn.64 She had cleared out on 11 June 1777.65 The master and crew were removed66 and Benjamin Bailey was assigned as her prize master and ordered into Bilbao, Spain,67 consigned to the Continental factors there, Gardoqui and Company.68 Bailey, an enlistee from Dunkerque, was given a mixed crew of five English or Irish outlawed smugglers and sixteen French sailors.69


Conyngham gave his orders to Bailey in the name of James Smith, and the letters to Gardoqui included an introduction to Captain Smith. Bailey was also given copies of Conynghams two commissions, one, the true one, in the name of Gustavus Conyngham (commanding the Revenge). The other was for Richard Allen, commanding the Pegasus of North Carolina. Bailey was to pass Northampton off as a prize of the Pegasus at Bilbao. Bailey was ordered to take special care of his papers, to sink them if captured, except for the two commissions. He was only to produce the true one in the last Extremity.70


After these careful warnings it is a surprise to find Bailey, in his journal entries, casually identifying his vessel as the Revenge and his commander as G. Cunningham.71 Bailey turned his coat on 23 July. Among the prize crew was one Francis Mulligan, acting as Baileys mate.72 These two drew up an agreement, at 0800 on the 23rd, stating that they were Enforced through Necessity aboard the Revenge. The two agreed to take the prize into Kings Lynn, or to turn her over to a British warship if one were found first. There are many professions of loyalty in this document; one gathers it was more a cover for what they were about to attempt.73


In the afternoon of 26 July Bailey brought Northampton into the harbor of Great Yarmouth, England. He found a young Midshipman, one Edwards, commanding a press boat. When the midshipman boarded the Northampton Bailey obligingly surrendered her to him. The astonished midshipman informed his superior, Captain Francis Richards. All the men, including Bailey and Mulligan, were taken prisoner and secured on the tender Kitty (Lieutenant John Moore) in the press room. Richards asked for further orders on the prisoners and vessel, not forgetting to claim his salvage rights.74 Lieutenant Moore obtained the two commissions, Baileys orders from Conyngham, and Baileys journal, and forwarded all to the Admiralty.75 The prisoners were ordered sent to Fortun Prison on 1 August 1777.76 On 11 August Bailey was committed to Fortun Prison, but subsequently was released to enter the Royal Navy.77 No doubt attempting to get out of prison, Bailey wrote a letter to Hogg, the owner of the Northampton, on 19 September 1777.78 Bailey and fourteen more of the prize crew were still in Forton Prison on 29 December 1777.79


On 21 July 1777, at about 160080 Revenge chased two  brigs81 to windward82 and came up with them in the evening,83 at that time being at 55°22'N, 3°20'E, 150 miles northeast by east from Spurn Head.84 They both struck. Both were in ballast.85 One, the Maria (John Warns),86 from England bound to the Baltic,87 was burned88(Bailey reported seeing her on fire at 2200).89 Conyngham valued her at *2500 and noted that she was burnt as it was impossible to get her in for English Cruizers.90  Conyngham made a Merit of Necessity by ransoming the other for Six Hundred Guineas.91 This was the Patty (John Green),92 bound from Kings Lynn, England to Wyburgh,93  a Baltic Sea port, in ballast.94  The prisoners from the previous prizes were put on the ransomed brig.95 Some of these prisoners were retained aboard the Revenge, although they wanted to go in the ransomed vessel. Two of these men were later in the prize crew of the Venus.96 The ransom bills were drawn by John Green of the brig Patty on Muillman and Sons of Amsterdam, The Netherlands, at thirty days sight.97 Three copies were forwarded to Deane.98 A ransomer,99 James100 (or William)101 Grace102 (or Grice),103 was taken aboard until the bills were paid.104


The British heard of these captures on 25 July. The owner of the Patty, which must have arrived about this time, one Edmund105 Elsden of Kings Lynn, England,106 informed Sir Stanier Porten on that day.  He said the sloop or cutter mounted sixteen guns, with swivels and had about 100 men in her crew. The sloop was called the Pegasus (Captain Richard Allen) out of North Carolina. One of the privateers crew told Green privately that she had been fitted out at Havre de Gras and had been out only four days, which was only a  partial truth. Her rigging appeared brand new. Sir Stanier Porten, reporting this letter to Lord Weymouth, concluded she was the cutter Greyhound from Dunkerque for one Richard Allen, who called himself the Proprietor, was the Person who cleared out that Vessel from that Port.107


A French engraving of Conyngham in common sailor's clothing, contemporary with his career. The Dunkirk Pirate in combat gear, in essence, complete with a sword and a waistband of pistols.


A partially colored version of the same drawing. From British Tars


On 3 August108 (or 4 August)109 1777 the 150 ton110 brig Venus111 (Weeks112 [Week])113 was encountered eighteen or twenty miles from Barra Island, Scotland114 at 57°N.115 She was in bound to her home port of Liverpool from the Greenland whale fishery with a cargo of oil and blubber.116 She was captured and her crew of thirty-three men removed to the Revenge.117 Two of her crew were given one of the brigs boat and released. They got picked up by a sloop from North Uist, Western Isles, Scotland and arrived at Oban, Scotland on 10 August, with the first reports of Venuss capture. The men reported that Revenge was sixteen double-fortified 4-pounders and sixteen swivels and had a crew of about 100 men. These were English, Irish, Scots and French.118 Venus was put under the command of Prize Master119 or First Mate120 John121 Hutchinson [Hutchason;122 Hutcheson]123 and ordered to Martinique, French West Indies.124


Hutchinson was ordered to report to William Bingham at Martinique, the Continental Agent. Hutchinson was given a very mixed prize crew of five sailors and nine Frenchmen. The Frenchmen had acted as Marines aboard the Revenge. The sailors included two Englishmen from the first two prizes captured, one Scotsman and one American. Hutchinson set off for Martinique. On 9 October 1777, at 14°N,125 only thirty miles from Martinique,126 Venus fell in with the un-commissioned British Privateer Brig Revenge (David Campbell), out of St. George, Grenada, British West Indies.127 The British attacked and Hutchinson attempted to fight them off., He personally fired cohorns at the British and the French Marines fired muskets. Hutchinson was forced to surrender.128


Venus was brought in to St. George, where Hutchinson was interrogated at the Admiralty Court on 15 October 1777.129 The crew was in jail at two thirds rations, and Governor Lord Macartney was now waiting for further instructions regarding them. The Royal Navy ships would not take them without special orders. Macartney thought that they must either be kept as prisoners or sent to England; but must not be freed in any case.130


Revenge then put into Broadhaven Bay, Ireland. Here Conyngham watered and released his prisoners ashore. The cutter soon sailed again but ran into some bad weather. Her bowsprit was damaged and the carpenter was forced to cut nine feet from that spar. The irons on the masthead had carried away. These two pieces of damage prevented Revenge from carrying her topsails. Since her bottom was also fouled from being at sea and provisions were growing exceedingly scarce, Conyngham decided to put into Spain to refit.131


On 22 August Revenge fell in with and captured132 the brig133 Black Prince134(Evan135 Thomas),136 owned in Plymouth, England137 and bound there from Oporto, Portugal,138 with wine,139 fruit,140 and oil.141 She was ordered into Bilbao, Spain, or any convenient port, under Prize Master Cruise. As Revenge was approaching El Ferrol, Spain, immediately under the land, she encountered an English warship. She fired several shots at the cutter, which ran close to the entrance of El Ferrol and under the guns of the fort. The British broke off their pursuit. Revenge entered the harbor and anchored on 23 August 1777.142 The Black Prince soon joined the Revenge there.143


The Arrest of Hodge


The British Admiralty, learning of Conynghams sailing, had great skepticism about French sincerity in restraining the Americans. Sir Hugh Palliser expressed to Lord Sandwich, on 22 July, his thoughts: the orders which the French pretend to issue are merely to deceive the British. If a war came it would allow the French the greatest possible advantage. This might succeed because British security rested in the Royal Navys line of battle ships. If these were dispersed to the other side of the Atlantic after flying squadrons of privateers, while the large fleet on the American station remained moored in harbor, supporting an army that it seems cannot support itself, then we certainly shall not be safe at home.144


By 25 July the British were feeling a little better. Stormont had delivered his Peace. . .cannot be maintained message to the French, who were momentarily panicked. Orders had been sent to the ports restricting the Americans, and the British seem to have obtained their way. Weymouth was well pleased, but cautioned Stormont, on 25 July, to keep the pressure on. The French must fulfill the several engagements they enter into. They have taken the utmost line that can be allowed them; and any deviation from it will make a war, however great the evil, preferable. . .Connivance on the part of their officers at the several ports must be considered as authorised by the Ministers. . .145


The news of Conynghams sailing did not encourage Weymouth to believe the new orders would be strictly enforced. The Revenge had been allowed to sail on security given by Hodge, who cannot be considered in this case as a responsible man. Assurances had been given by Foreign Minister Vergennes and Prime Minister Maurepas that she would not sail without ample security. Stormont was to press this issue on Vergennes.146


Weymouth had an interview with the French ambassador the same day, raising many of these points with him. In his report to Vergennes, Marquis de Noailles noted that Weymouth had referred to the execution of the new orders from Paris. He did not wish to express his distrust too clearly, and so had brought up the case of Conyngham, who had now left Dunkerque to go Privateering. De Noailles took care not to show him my surprise at the Suspicions which he half hinted at. De Noailles merely reassured Weymouth that the last orders would prevent abuse of the French ports.147


Weymouth now turned his attention to Spain. The British reported their diplomatic triumph to their ambassador there, noting that the French had sent positive orders to their ports not to allow privateers or prizes to remain more than twenty-four hours. He then informed Lord Grantham that the American Agents residing at Paris have determined, in consequence of this obstruction to their Piracies to order their cruisers to send their prizes into Spanish ports, where they were to be entered as trading vessels and sold without delay. Grantham was to inform the Spanish government of this plan.148


Vergennes enlightened the Marquis de Noailles from Versailles on 26 July. He did not deny that the American Privateers had behaved with much indiscretion, even with regard to us. they are now punished for it and I hope that this act of severity will make their fellows more Circumspect. . .there is in almost all orders of the State, great and small, a conspiracy which. . . wishes well to the rebels and damns Their Enemies, they repay us in like measure in England; this sort of war will not be dangerous so long as the Governments do not meddle with it. . . .149


By 27 July reports were coming in to England that a privateer was in the North Sea and had captured several vessels. She was supposed to be the Pegasus (Richard Allen),150 but the British suspected, rightfully, that it was the Revenge. Among these prizes was the brig Northampton. When this brig was recaptured, along with the co-operative prize master, Benjamin Bailey, much was learned. From her crew the British learned that the Pegasus was indeed the Revenge, and was carrying two sets of papers and two commissions, one for Conyngham and the Revenge and one for Allen and the Pegasus. Sixteen of the prize crew of twenty-one were French. The prisoners were taken to Portsmouth and committed to Fortun Prison. The Englishmen aboard the Northampton were supposed to be outlawed smugglers.151


On 30 July Stormont had a lengthy interview with Vergennes. At this time he knew that Conyngham had sailed, but not that Revenge was taking prizes in the North Sea. However Stormont had plenty to say about events at Dunkerque. He told Vergennes that he had received repeated assurances that the Greyhound would be sold, and in any case would not sail, yet she had and in the most public manner. The Dunkerque admiralty office took Hodges security. Allen declared himself the owner and Hodge gives security. How, if the vessel is not his, can Hodge answer for the crew? If how is the owner, how can Allen be allowed to falsely declare the Greyhound to be his? To compleat the whole that Pirate Cunningham is suffered to go on board. . .not indeed in the Harbour but in the Road. Stormont thought Vergennes looked uneasy and ashamed during this denunciation. Vergennes said that if Conyngham had gone aboard it was an error by the local admiralty office, that he knew nothing of Hodges security, but understood the ship had been allowed to sail when Allen declared her his property. Vergennes so positively disclaimed all Knowledge concerning the sailing of the cutter that Stormont moved on to other subjects.152


Even as Stormonts report was on its way to London, Lord Weymouth was sending fresh instructions to Stormont. By 1 August the British knew Revenge was taking prizes and knew that many Frenchmen were in his crew. Weymouth had not expected the most exact observance of their promises from the French, yet it was expected that such an apparent shew of truth would be given that the European Seas would be safe from privateer raids. Weymouth reported that the French Minister of Marine, de Sartine, was giving secret counsel to the Americans to send their prizes to Spain; and how to avoid being sent out of port. Stormont was to vigorously to press this issue, and remind the French that the purport of the there may be a war message of 4 July still was in place. Connivance of Officers unpunished would create a war.153 Weymouth immediately sent off a warning letter to Lord Grantham to the effect that American prizes would be headed to Spain; that Gardoqui was involved in the affair, and that the Spanish should be reminded to prevent this business.154


Stormont called on Vergennes on 6 August. He told the minister what he had to say was by Express order from his court. He began by reiterating the events at Dunkerque; the promise not to let the Greyhound sail, the promise to punish Conyngham before he was allowed to go aboard, and so forth. He then told Vergennes the cutter was taking prizes and had a large number of Frenchmen aboard. Vergennes seemed surprized, and confounded, protested that they had been deceived by the Admiralty of Dunkirk. Vergennes said that he knew that the agreement was that no French sailors would be on the Greyhound. Stormont pressed on, saying that the Rebel Agents mention one of Your Ministers as their Patron and Counsellor, namely de Sartine. He gave the instance of sending the prizes to Spain, and collusive measures to allow American warships to remain in port. Vergennes interrupted: it was quite impossible, that M. de Sartines should ever hold such Language. . .155


The French were in a fairly difficult spot. It was necessary to appease the British, and yet without really stopping aid to the Americans. It was certainly a good idea to chastise the Americans, for they had pushed the Franco-British relationship almost to the point of war; and that twice. The British were watching. A scapegoat was found and not a French one: on 11 August William Hodge was arrested and committed to that most formidable, and political, of prisons, the Bastille.


Through the banker, Grand, the French ministry contacted the American Commissioners in France. The reasons for the arrest of Hodge were explained. About 15 August the American Commissioners responded in a letter to Grand. They had inquired of, and considered the events at Dunkerque and were sincerely & extreamly concerned. They had no wish to offend the French king for whom they had the highest Respect. The commissioners hoped however, that the Punishment Mr. Hodge has received for the Misconduct of his Friend Cunningham & his own will be thought sufficient for him, and that he will be discharged. . . The commissioners pointed out that their mutual enemies would take advantage of his imprisonment, and other events to promote Suspicions & Misunderstandings, and obstruct in America the growing Friendship for France. As to their cruisers tho we see the great Effect their Cruising in these Seas has had in raising the Insurance in Britain to a Pitch that would ruin much of her Commerce, we think that Advantage to us not equivalent to the Loss of the Kings Favour. . .156 The effect of Hodges arrest spread among the Americans in France. From Nantes, on 18 August, William Lee reported that there was an ugly report here, of which we shd be glad to know the Truth, that an American Agent was the other day put into the Bastile . . . because of his involvement with Conyngham.157


Stormont again called on Vergennes on 20 August, for what promised to be a long interview. The subject was the three American warships (Reprisal, Lexington, Dolphin) which had recently raided the Irish Sea. Referring to these Vergennes suggested they be sold to French merchants. Stormont brought up the Dunkerque affair, intimating that the English viewed such suggestions with suspicion. Vergennes answered with Vivacity, that such affairs were injurious to France as well as England. He blamed it on the Admiralty there, in equal parts Stupidity and Knavery. Stormont noted the French seemed to be serious about the Dunkerque affair as Hodge is sent to the Bastile.158 That was not the only time the French used Hodges fate to show their fairness. De Noailles, in an interview with Lord Suffolk, which was reported to Vergennes on 29 August, pointed to him as an example of the proof that the French were trying to be fair.159


Deane, in a letter to Robert Morris, dated 23 August, summarized the situation. Conyngham by his first and second bold Expedition, is become the terror of all the Eastern Coast of England & Scotland. . .But though this distresses our Enemies it embarrasses us, we sollicited his enlargement & Mr. Hodge engaged for his going directly to America-I know not how his engagement was expressed, but to appease the British Ministry and drive off an instant War Mr. Hodge has been arrested and Confined-His friends need not be in distress for him, he will soon be at Liberty-He merits much from his Country. . .160


The Revenge In Spain


From 23 August Revenge was in El Ferrol, Spain. From here Conyngham wrote a lengthy report on 24 August to Silas Deane on his cruise and the general condition of the cutter. Revenges Dunkirk crew was very unfit for my purpose and those are mostly determined to Leave the vessell here. Conyngham would attempt to recruit a new crew in El Ferrol, but if he could not he would only be able to sail for home. If he could get the men, and if Deane thought it was proper to leave the management of the Cruising to myself you may depend I shall endeavour to take the most Prudent steps in my power and shall distress the Trade of England in another Quarter. Conyngham was writing to Gardoqui at Bilbao desiring the lodging of a credit, either at El Ferrol or at La Coru*a to enable him to refit and re-supply. Conyngham hoped Deane would take Speedy Care that such Credit is fixed. He had dropped his disguise in Spain, as everyone here knew of his raids against England. Conyngham closed by saying he only needed credit and further orders.161


A map of El Ferrol, Spain, from a 1773 chart.


It did not take long for Conyngham to contact some friendly Spanish merchants. The house of Miguel Lagoanere & Co., of La Coruña took over the business. A local merchant at El Ferrol, Juan Lembeye, furnished provisions, on Lagoaneres account. Conyngham accomplished this by personally pledging his own property, and the Revenge itself as surety. A new mast was obtained from the royal packets shipyard, along with other supplies, and freighted over to El Ferrol from La Coruña. Work was soon well underway on Revenge.162


The British had a resident consul at La Coruña, Herman Katencamp. Although he was not aware of it, the arrival of Conyngham at El Ferrol brought a new turbulence to his life. Katencamps first report on Conyngham was filed on 27 August. He reported the arrival of the Revenge, on 23 August, which he said mounted fourteen guns and ten swivels. He knew Conyngham by reputation as the man who captured the Harwich packet. The Revenge was fitting a new main mast and bowsprit and taking in provisions, without any Objections being made to her Stay. The crew of the Black Prince were prisoners aboard the Revenge: it is said Cunningham intends to set them at Liberty, if he does not I propose to petition the Governor of Ferrol for their Release, tho I have no Hopes of Succeeding.163


Katencamp, in his next letter, reported that Conyngham was meeting with the kindest Reception, contrary to the assurances the Spanish ministers had given to Grantham. He was allowed to take aboard any items needed except war material. On 28 August Conyngham came over to La Coruña, and obtained an order from Felix ONeille, the commandant of Galicia, to confine a British sailor who had escaped from the Revenge, and had come to claim protection from Katencamp. When the consul protested ONeille claimed he was following the latest orders; to observe the strictest Neutrality, that the man who escaped had signed Articles of Agreement with Cunningham, and was bound to fulfill them. The sailor claimed he was forced to sign, as were many others. He was carted off to the local jail. The next morning ONeille talked to Conyngham privately and desired him to consent to the Sailors Release, which being agreed to, the Man was at length set at Liberty.164


By 3 September 1777 Katencamp could report that Conyngham had presented a petition to the Inspector of the American Packets concerning the refitting of his cutter. As a consequence he was provided a new mast from the Kings Stores, as well as other essential items. He was, said Katencamp, now ready to sail, and intended to proceed to America with the prize Black Prince. Conyngham told Katencamps vice consul at El Ferrol he would set the prisoners free before he left.165


On 8 September, Lord Grantham, reported that Revenge and her prize had been ordered out of port immediately, but had contrived to stay. He had brought this up with Floridablanca. Grantham also reported the new orders to the ports concerning privateers and their prizes: orders which left plenty of loopholes for resourceful mariners. Spain promised a strict neutrality. Prizes and privateers could only stay long enough to replenish; prizes were not to be sold; American trading vessels were welcome.166


The ransomer for the Patty was still aboard Revenge. Grice was allowed to write his wife on 10 September. This letter found its way to Elsden, who informed Lord Weymouth of the contents on 11 October 1777. As payment had been stopped on the bills Elsden hoped Lord Weymouth would use his influence to get the ransomer released.167


On 17 September 1777, still in El Ferrol, Conyngham penned a report to Silas Deane.168 After going to La Coruña and signing his account with Lagoanere, he was ready to sail.169 Three days later he sailed from the port with his prize, being ordered to do so by the governor.170 The British were pleased that he had been forced out, but were suspicious: Lord Grantham thought the prize had been sold to the French master of a French brig in port there, with the transfer to take place at sea.171 The ambassador was close to the truth. Conyngham quickly discovered that the Black Prince could not be sold in El Ferrol. He then obtained papers from a merchant there to cover the Black Prince, (which were legitimate papers, but were written for another Spanish ship).172 The Black Prince was then sold to Arnaud Faular, the master of a French brig (the Postillion de Bayonne), who sent her to Bayonne, France. There the French officials discovered she was a prize and ordered her out of port. She sailed to St. Jean-de-Luz, a “free Port,” where her cargo was discharged to lighters and returned to Bayonne.173 The hull was eventually sold for 23.13.6 reales and the wine for 80,000 reales.174


Meanwhile, on 19 September 1777, the British minister for foreign affairs, was writing to his ambassador in Spain: I have just learned that the Revenge Privateer, Cunningham, Master, is arrived at Ferrol; and, to my great astonishment, is allowed to refit, and take in provisions. I expect to hear from Your Excy the reason of this change of sentiments in the Court of Spain.175 Lord Grantham, writing on 22 September, noted that he had called on Floridablanca, who had assured him that orders had been sent not to allow the Americans to bring their prizess in to Spanish ports. Floridablanca showed Grantham that these orders had not yet reached Bilbao. Grantham also added that I am under some difficulty for true Intelligence from Bilbao, which place has been the seat of most American Transactions in this Country, the Trading People of that Port being doubtless in that Interest176


On 26 September Weymouth again pressed his ambassador. He was to again represent to the Spanish that the refitting of Conynghams cutter was inconsistent with the orders and statements of the Spanish court. Further there were reports of British nationals being held prisoner by Conyngham. These must be released if they desired to be released.177


On 30 September Floridablanca announced to Grantham that the Revenge had been forced to sail from El Ferrol, having scarcely provided herself with such things as she required upon Sufficient Cause & which related merely to the Ship. Furthermore, I cannot avoid representing to Yr Exy that according to the Accounts received from various Ports, there are English Frigates & other Vessels of War within sight of these Ports, in order to seize the above Privateers. This would be a just cause for the Americans refusing to go out to sea, nor could we on our Part oblige them to do so, without committing an improper Action inconsistent with the Law of Nations.178


On 24 September,179 Conyngham and Revenge fell in with a 200 ton ship, which showed Portuguese colors on her approach. When the Americans hailed and asked her name they were told she was the Saint John Evangelist and her master was Nicholas Kelly, bound from Dublin, Ireland to Oporto, Portugal in ballast.180 It later appeared she had a cargo of linens and butter.181 Kelly claimed she was owned in Oporto. Conyngham, suspicious, ordered Kelly aboard with his papers. When Kelly came aboard the Revenge the papers were examined. They contained nothing relative to her being Portuguese property, except an old pass dated 1774, with the name of the vessel for which it had originally been granted erased, and that of Saint John Evangelist inserted.182 There was in addition, a clearance from the Dublin customs referring to her as a Portuguese ship. She had sailed from that port on 16 September. This raised Conynghams suspicious to a greater height. Kelly was kept aboard Revenge for seven hours while Brothers was searched for English papers, none of which were found. Finally Kelly was dismissed, but two of his crew were kept aboard the Revenge. Kelly was told to keep company during the night.183 Now some of Revenges crew recognized Kelly, for they knew him personally and knew he had been born in Wexford, Ireland. They told Conyngham Kellys ship was the Brothers, owned by Patrick McGuire & Sons of Dublin. A Spaniard in Kellys crew told the Americans he had thrown his English colors in the ballast. The Spaniard said that when he was chased Kelly burned his English papers.184 At 0700 on the 25th, Kelly was ordered back aboard the cutter.185  When Conyngham questioned Kelly about the pass Kelly claimed he knew nothing about it: it had been sent to him at Dublin. Kelly said the ship had been sold at Oporto on the previous voyage. He was asked where he had been born, and where his English colors were. Kelly said he had been born in Oporto, and that, as he had no need of them, he had no English colors. A search was made and the English colors found. Questioned about his English papers, Kelly didnt deny burning them, but said the papers were of no use to him. Conyngham noted that Kellys light bill referred to his ship as a British ship, and his former log book was in the name Brothers. When asked about this Kelly said it was a mistake. Conyngham concluded the whole thing was fictitious. A prize master was sent aboard the Brothers (alias St. John Evangelist)186 along with nine or ten men, the crew was removed. On 28 November Revenge met a Spanish brig bound to Santander. Kelly, his mate and the passengers were put aboard her. She arrived at Santander on 2 October.187 Brothers was escorted to La Coruña, Spain.188


Revenge and her prize arrived at La Coruña on 2 October 1777. The large ship was, in fact, the Brothers (or Three Brothers), Nicolas Kelly.189 The American prize crew immediately tried to sell the ship, stating that it was an American vessel which had just sailed from Bordeaux, France and was bound to Philadelphia. The prize master claimed the ship was in such a bad condition that the crew believed it could not survive the voyage. No one believed this ruse. The Americans then removed Brotherss ammunition and provisions, informing the Commandant that they were delaying their voyage.190 The remaining portion of Brothers crew claimed her as Portuguese property, a claim which the owners of the ship later admitted could not be supported.191


A map of La Coruña, Spain, from a 1773 chart.


On 3 October, the next day, Conyngham reported to Deane. He would be unable to sell the prize to any advantage at La Coruña, but perhaps Lsgoanere & Sons could send her to a French port (with French papers) where she could be disposed of at a better price. He had brought her in to see what would happen to prizes of this nature: with concealed British ownership. Conyngham noted that he was no longer permitted to stay in Spanish ports longer than necessary to re-provision and re-supply. I am not fond of trusting too much to them. . . he added. He advised Deane he would sail in a day or two for a months cruise. He wanted to pick up one or two prizes; more he could not man. Then he would return to La Coruña to re-provision and would proceed directly home. Conyngham told Deane he would be happy to receive Deanes orders.192


On 5 October Revenge sailed from La Coruña, leaving the Brothers behind.193 She was eventually sold there for 187,518 reales.194 Revenge had been at El Ferrol and La Coruña so long that it was almost impossible that the British cruisers in the Bay of Biscay had not heard of it, yet none has shown up. As the British Newfoundland ships were now beginning to arrive on the Spanish coast so more American privateers were also arriving. Katencamp suggested that the British cruisers put in to La Coruña for intelligence, under cover of getting provisions, bad weather and other such excuses.195


The day after Revenge sailed, on 6 October, the Spanish prime minister saw the British Ambassador, Lord Grantham. The minister seemed ashamed (according to Grantham) of his excuses for allowing Revenge to stay at El Ferrol. The governor of Galicia pretended that orders concerning had not reached him, and that vessel had not been supplied out of the kings stores. Floridablanca  laid stress on the close and active patrolling with which British watched the harbor (not visible to Katencamp, who was on the scene). Grantham pointed out the insufficiency of this reasoning, and repeated the expectation that such cases would not arise again. According to Grantham, Floridablanca promised they would not and that all sales would really be prevented.196


By 9 October Grantham had more cause for complaint. He had now heard of the arrival of the Three Brothers (Nicholas Kelly) at La Coruña and launched a complaint about her to Floridablanca, noting that the Commandant had been misinformed about her, that the Americans had falsely called her American property, and that they intended to sell her. Floridablanca replied on the 12th, telling Grantham he would write to La Coruña to find out the truth. He then said, that, according to his reports there was no intention of selling the ship, merely disarming her and laying her aside for a time.197 On 13 October Grantham reported to Lord Weymouth, chiefly on the subject of Conyngham. He noted his protest over the Brothers and his many protests ever since Conyngham had arrived at El Ferrol. Grantham claimed that Floridablanca had taken particular steps to stop so daring a Proceeding as Cunninghams. Grantham omitted No Argument. . .on my Side to convince Floridablanca to force the governors to execute the orders sent them. The governor of Galicia, Don Felix ONeille, by allowing the removal of the ammunition and provisions from the prize had certainly not suspended all Proceedings till Orders from Court. Grantham had complained strongly about ONeille.198


On 19 October Silas Deane, at Paris,  had heard of the capture (by letter of 27 September 1777) and some of the consequences. He informed Lagoanere and Company that he presumed the affair had been settled. He had written to Gardoqui & Fils (at Bilbao, Spain) to honor the bills for Conynghams repairs. Deane hoped the prize could be disposed of and understood that a loss was inevitable circumstanced as we are at present. In the future he thought it would be best to report such prizes as American property and to immediately sell them keeping every thing secret until the Sale is made. The American Commissioners in France could give no specific instructions but relied on Lagoaneres prudence & knowledge of the situation.199


Meanwhile Revenge was at sea. On 23 October she captured200 the brig Two Brothers201 (Elson), bound from Newfoundland to Oporto,202 or Newfoundland to Bilbao, with a cargo of codfish,203 off the Portuguese coast.204 Two Brothers had a crew of ten men and mounted four cannon.205 Conyngham put seven of the crew of the Two Brothers in irons and threatened to keep them there, unless they enlisted aboard the Revenge.206 By 1 November 1777 Revenge was back in La Coruña with the brig. Katencamp immediately reported this event to Lord Weymouth. He further noted that he had made many reports to Lord Grantham of the Commandants Conduct and Partiality to the Americans. Grantham had conferred with Floridablanca concerning this matter, which produced a letter from Floridablanca to ONeille. ONeille recognized the source of his loss of prestige and charged Katencamp with being the Occasion of it in Terms which give me just Cause to apprehend I shall soon or late feel the Effects of his Resentment. Katencamp requested a transfer.207 Two Brothers was eventually sold for 19.420 reales, and the cargo for 10,284 reales.208


Katencamp heard more interesting news on 2 November: a report that Conyngham was going to take in more supplies and stores from his prizes. Katencamp immediately presented a petition to the Captain General that he would be pleased in compliance with His Most Catholick Majestys Orders to command him [Conyngham] to leave this Port. Katencamp thought the Revenge had ample time to provide herself with Provisions and necessarys. ONeille informed Katencamp that Conyngham planned to take nothing from his prizes but had come in only because of Stress of Weather. He would sail when it had cleared up. As soon as the weather cleared up on the next day, Katencamp hurried to the Kings Pilot, intending to get that individual to certify that the weather was fair and use it in a fresh petition to ONeille. In the process he heard to my great Surprise that Conyngham had quite unrigged his vessel, and under Pretext of its having received some Damage had obtained Permission to repair and refit it. Katencamp immediately called on ONeille and requested the Favor of him to acquaint me with his Reasons for granting such Permission. . .he replied that Conynghams vessel was not in Condition to put to Sea, that it could not be his Catholic Majestys Intention to refuse Assistance to People in Distress, that the new mast he received from the Inspector of the Packets on his first Arrival here was too large for the winter Season, but that as soon as it was lessened, and he was provided with the necessaries he wanted he would immediately order him to depart. Katencamp was temporarily defeated. He fully expected other excuses would be found and Revenge would stay at La Coruña as long as Conyngham wished. Katencamp particularly regretted he was unable to force her out, as some British warships were off the harbor, and this, he thought, was the real reason Conyngham had run into La Coruña.209


There was also the matter of the prize brig Two Brothers. This Pirate, Katencamps term for Conyngham, had told ONeille that the prize was so out of repair that the cargo would spoil if it were not landed. Katencamp knew that this tale was told to get the cargo ashore, where it could be sold. On 7 November Katencamp presented another memorial to ONeille. He pointed out that, if Two Brothers was leaky, there was another prize of Conynghams in harbor, probably meaning the Brothers, which was fit to receive the cargo. ONeille answered Katencamp on the 8th, stating that Conynghams case had been sent to Madrid and that nothing would be done until an answer was received. Katencamp added It is true My Lord that he has sent it to Court, but with a Representation of his own that the Country is very much in want of this Article and would receive great Relief from this Cargoe . . .210


Either Conyngham or the agents reported to Deane on 12 November. The prize with her cargo of fish was reported. Revenge had been damaged in a gale because her mast was too large. Conyngham was now in the process of altering it and preparing for another cruise.211 Knowing that Conyngham was in port, Hodge, on 15 November from Paris, sent a brief instruction to Conyngham. Conyngham was to prepare for sea and wait until Hodge arrived in Spain, or until he received orders to proceed to sea. Hodge would be in Paris for at least two more weeks. Conyngham was to keep Hodges expected visit a secret.212 Arthur Lee took the same opportunity to notify Joseph Gardoqui and Sons that they were to take charge of any Continental prizes sent into Bilbao, sell the prizes, and deposit half the proceeds for the Continental Congress, at my disposal, as their representative in Spain. The other half was to be paid to the crews. Since Revenge was the only Continental vessel in Spain, this meant her prizes.213


On 18 November Lord Grantham launched another complaint to Floridablanca regarding Conynghams activities and the prizes being brought into port. He evidently suggested General ONeille had some financial involvement with the Revenges operations. Floridablanca responded at once. Floridablanca had sent clear and positive orders on this subject and had sent daily reminders to enforce them. Some prizes had been declared illegal captures, and Floridablanca thought it would be very good if the Persons who excite your Excellency with tales of abuses would also notice these acts. With regard to the prizes there were proceedings & Enquiries underway and these must be allowed to go forward. Similar inquiries were in hand regarding the Abuse of our Ports. As to ONeille, to convict so dignified a Personage as a Commandant of Collusion with Privateers or their Agents, formal Proofs are necessary.214


Meanwhile Katencamp had a fresh reminder of his standing with ONeille. A young English sailor named John Jordan turned up at the consuls office. Jordan claimed he had privately escaped from the Revenge, where he had received severe Treatment because he refused to enter the crew. He now wished to return to England to enter the Royal Navy. Katencamp sent him to El Ferrol and put him aboard an English vessel,215 the Thomas (Joseph Pine)216 just about to sail for home. On the morning of 19 November Conyngham complained to the Kings Lieutenant, in temporary charge of the town in ONeilles absence. Peremptory orders were sent to Katencamp to turn over Jordan. Katencamp excused himself and said the man and the ship were too far out into the roads to be recalled. Katencamp had only assisted him as a subject in need without inquiring where or to what vessel he belonged. Furthermore, Katencamp could not be blamed in assisting a British Subject to escape from the Rebels who detain him by Force, and compell him with Blows to take Arms against his native Country. The reply was not long in coming: Katencamp was to be held answerable for Jordan. Katencamp immediately sent off an account to Lord Grantham, for he expected to be confined to his house at any moment. He again requested a transfer.217


This was not the end of the affair of John Jordan. The lieutenant, on the morning of the 20th, sent a boat to El Ferrol, with five sailors from the Revenge and a letter from Conyngham, and referred the affair to ONeille, who was at that port.218 In the night of 20 November the five sailors from the Revenge, accompanied by two Spanish soldiers from the garrison at El Ferrol, boarded the Thomas and removed Jordan with force and violence.219 This was done with ONeilles permission or by his orders.220 No orders were shown to Pine, who sent off a messenger to Katencamp. On the 22nd Katencamp complained to ONeille,221 who had just returned from El Ferrol.222 Katencamp wanted the five sailors held and their captain punished for committing violent acts in a neutral port.223 ONeilles answer came quickly: he had made inquires concerning Jordan, whom Katencamp had seized. ONeille considered the actions of the officials justified, for Katencamp had seduced the sailor from the cutter. Although he had been at El Ferrol he knew nothing of the incident. Further, any complaint concerning Conyngham ought to be made to me without interposing yourself to take on yourself an authority to which you have no claim.224 Katencamp summed up the affair by saying that It is impossible. . .to push Things to further Extremity to obtain Redress here. . . He sent a report to Lord Grantham.225


Conyngham was once again the subject of conversation between Floridablanca and Lord Grantham. Floridablanca had admitted to Lord Grantham that ONeilles actions were blameable. He considered ONeille was listening too much to parties who were interested in the sale of prizes. At least this is what Lord Grantham claimed in his report of 19 November.226


Meanwhile the British were actively patrolling off the Spanish coast looking for Conyngham. On 20 November HM Frigate Hussar (Captain Elliott Salter) and HM Sloop Alert (Bazeley), having heard that Revenge was in the area of Cape Finisterre, arrived in that area for a fruitless sweep.227 The British owners of the Brothers, having learned of her capture, requested the assistance of Lord Weymouth on 25 November.228


Conyngham filed a report to Silas Deane, from La Coruña, on the 25th. Although he had written several letters to Deane he had received no answers as yet. His last prize that had been brought into La Coruña, the Two Brothers, had been sold. When she was brought in Conyngham petitioned for the discharge of the cargo, claiming she was leaky. ONeille would not grant this privilege without orders from court. Meanwhile Conyngham was offered a low price by a purchaser, who was to run all risks. After Lagoanoere received Deanes letter of 19 October, Conyngham agreed to sell, tho much Against my Inclinations. Subsequent to the sale permission arrived to discharge the cargo, which, as Conyngham noted, was Some Small Satisfaction as it partly Paves the way for Others. He was now ready for sea but the Vessell I must enforme you is not fitt for to Cruze in those Seas in the Winter. If the weather was moderate after he got to sea Conyngham would cruise off the Spanish coast to intercept the Newfoundland trade. If the weather was bad he would steer for the West Indies or America.229


Conyngham asked Deane for information on the brig Northampton, which he had captured in the North Sea. He had put one Bailey in her as prize master and had heard nothing more of the brig. The Northampton had been re-captured by HM Tender Kitty (Lieutenant John Moore) but Conyngham did not know that. If she had been re-captured Conyngham asked Deane to make inquiries about a boy named Redmond Henderson, whose family lived in Philadelphia was much respected in the city. She will Really Go Distracted if She Comes to heare he is taken. . . Conyngham also reminded Deane that he had written about his crew before. He had assured the crew that they would be remembered and that for the Distruction the have Done and for what the Can do the will be recompenced At their Arrivall in the Continent. . . He had done this at Carmichaels urging. Conyngham had not the least Doubt but you have represented to the honourable Congress the Nessity there is to take this into Consideration for the encouragement of Seamen. Finally he noted the disbursements here had been paid out of the proceeds of the prize and the rest of the money was deposited to Deanes order. Conyngham began to write more, but there were reports that an English vessel was off the harbor. He shortened his letter to be Able to Pays my Respects to her.230


That Conyngham was thinking of changing his cruising grounds, but not necessarily to the West Indies, is evident from a letter dated 28 November. He had asked Lagoanere to recommend a firm in Cadiz, Spain. The agents accordingly wrote an introduction to Lassore Freres & Co. of that town.231


Brig232 Syren (James Renolls) was bound from Newfoundland to a Spanish port with a cargo of codfish.233 She was an old vessel, having been built in New England in 1749. Syren was owned by Robert Newman., and measured 80 tons.234 She was sighted off the harbor of La Coruña, Spain by Continental Navy Cutter Revenge (Captain Gustavus Conyngham) on 30 November 1777. Revenge put out and, in less than thirteen hours, had captured Syren. Her master and crew were removed (except for three men who were left aboard)235 and a prize crew under Benjamin Peel was put aboard.236 She was sent into El Ferrol, Spain. Renolls and his crew arrived at La Coruña the same night (about 1 December 1777). They filed a protest at once, and British consul Herman Katencamp obtained a copy and sent it to the Commandant of Galicia, Felix ONeille, protesting the capture and requesting the vessel be restored to its legal owners. He pointed out, officiously, the insult offered by the capture being made under the Protection of the cannon of the Spanish king. ONeille answered to the same Purpose as those he has constantly hitherto been pleased to amuse us with, viz that he will examine into it. The commandant had promised the same in the affair of the English sailor, John Jordan, yet never made the least Enquiry about it. Katencamp thought permission would immediately be given to land and sell the cargo, as has been done with the cargo of the Two Brothers, for the sale of which Madrid had given permission. Katencamp thought Grantham would have better luck, and the master and crew remained at La Coruña pending the outcome. Conyngham had sent, it was said, two other prizes into Ferrol but Katencamp had no certain information about them. He was cruising at the mouth of the harbor, within the headland, that no vessel might escape.237


Revenge stayed out a few days longer, before standing back in for port. As she was coming in, on 3 December,238 brig239 Dispatch (Emanuel Le Geyte) was encountered and captured. She was bound from Newfoundland to La Coruña, Spain with a cargo of codfish. She was apparently owned in Jersey.240  She was captured off La Coruña,241 within cannon shot of the Spanish coast.242 A prize crew was placed aboard and she was ordered into La Coruña where she arrived on 3 December.243 This capture must have occurred early in the morning. A little later the weather turned rough. A frigate sighted the cutter and a chase began. After being chased all morning Conyngham thought it most prudent to run into El Ferrol.244


At El Ferrol Conyngham found the Syren and a letter to the prize master, probably from the agents at La Coruña, Miguel Lagoanere and Company. The agents supposed there would be trouble selling the brig because of the skippers protest, and particularly as she was So nyh the Shore   this everybody is Sure. Conyngham pointed out it was in Renolls interest to claim he was under the Spanish guns when he was captured, but thought the Americans could protest too. If they did, will not our protest be of equal force   I think it Ought to be. Their could be no witnesses, either from other vessels or from the shore, that could truthfully testify. Conyngham had, in the meantime, sold Syren and her cargo to the same man who had purchased the Two Brothers, for 6000 hard dollars. One half was to go directly to Conyngham and the other half to Lagoanere and Company within thirty days. The purchaser was to give the agents sufficient surety and to run all risque Whatsoever in every Case. Conyngham also thought he would sell the other brig that is with you (the Dispatch) if it had not been sold. He promised to write later if the sale were made. Conyngham would soon sail again as the Newfoundland trade was now arriving on the coast, perhaps arriving in eight or ten days if the winds stayed favorable.245 Conyngham was still at El Ferrol on13 December. He fumed in another letter to Miguel Lagoanere and Company.  Although everything was certainly concluded regarding sale of the prizes, the local governor cannot or will not see it. He claimed Felix ONeille, the Commandant of Galicia,  had not mentioned one circumstance relative to the prize (the Syren, James Renolls). Conyngham saw that they were at points, and this man heare I see plainly will not resolve on anything without it is as plain as A. B. C. He suggested that the General. . . be a little plainer and willing to this govr. and requested that Lagoanere send the verdict enclosed to Juan Lembeye, a merchant at El Ferrol. Conyngham was going to leave the prize master, Benjamin Peel, and a boy at El Ferrol with the prize. When everything was done they would go down to La Coruña and stay with Lagoanere, in Respect of the Brig with you, the Dispatch. The money for the two brigs, Syren and Dispatch would stay with Lagoanere. Conyngham planned to sail and would be out three weeks. If something should happen the money would be at the disposal of Mr. L. [Lee?]. Finally, Conyngham noted that a certain Captain Fonlet was here and would soon go down to make a proposal to the agents.246 In his orders to Peel, Conyngham directed him to stay by the brig until all the formallity is Accomplishd. Peel was to petition for a survey of the vessel, and he was to take special measures to ensure that the prize made sufficient water when the surveyors were aboard. That is Peel was to fake a leak, petition for permission to stay in port because of it, and make sure the prize was leaky enough when the port officials inspected the vessel. When all was done he was to go over and ask Lagoanere for directions until he heard from Conyngham.247 On 15 December Katencamp reported that the prizes had been declared legal and their sale was only awaiting permission from Madrid, even though both were captured within cannon shot of the coast. According to consul Katencamp, the most false Representations had been sent to the capital to obtain permission to sell the prizes and cargoes.248 Dispatch was eventually sold for 81,080 reales.249


Meanwhile, on 12 December in Madrid, Lord Grantham had protested to Floridablanca concerning the affair of the English sailor John Jordan, and the continued reception of Conyngham and his prizes in Spanish ports. Floridablanca replied on the 14th. The Commandant of Galicia (Felix ONeille) would receive fresh orders to comply with the orders previously sent and he is ordered to make sure Conyngham delivers up the sailor, and to make sure no violence is offered in the future to force any English sailors to return to their ship, nor is he to consent to Conynghams taking any by force. The Commandant was to furnish all information regarding the prizes mentioned in Granthams letter, as well as what relates to the sale of their cargoes. Floridablanca chastised Grantham: these problems would not have been repeated had he done as Floridablanca suggested on 18 November, that is, gather all the facts before protesting to Madrid.250


On 15 December consul Katencamp reported again. Conyngham had now returned from third cruise to Ferrol after taking several prizes and sending them to ports of France and Spain. The Newfoundland trade was being attacked and no British cruisers had been seen on the coast. Conyngham was in El Ferrol and continues to receive every Encouragement from the Spanish. His last two prizes were taken within cannon shot of the coast, were declared legal, and were now waiting permission from Madrid for a sale. News of Burgoynes surrender had arrived, provoking Great Rejoicings by the Americans.251


On 22 December, from Madrid, Lord Grantham reported he had received an answer from Floridablanca. He has seen the minister since then and pointed out that nothing had been wanting on the British Ambassadors part concerning the complaints. He had told the British consuls to make protests in all cases of prizes brought into port. The cases complained of had ocurred before Floridablancas recent request, that the British gather the facts before complaining, as unsupported claims could not be dealt with. The Ambassador received direct assurances that Conyngham would be forbidden to enter Spanish ports. This would have a good effect, particularly on the Commandant of Galicia.252


Silas Deane was still trying to get the ransom money for the Patty. On 27 December 1777, from Paris, he wrote to Vieus and Morrell. Deane had forwarded a letter to Grand from Conyngham and one from his hostage, which were to be forwarded to Vieus and Morrell. Deane hoped these had arrived and that no further disputes would arise about the ransom money. The hostage admitted he was well treated. He would have his liberty when the ransom money was paid. This was following the rules and customs of nations at war, and by these rules the Americans would conduct themselves. The whole Affair is exceeding simple, the Hostage is held for a certain Sum that sum paid, he shall be at Liberty. . .but to give other Security is out of all Rule & the Demand to say no more of it is extravagant.253


The Sale of the Two Cutters


In a long report dated 7 October 1777 the American Commissioners in France reported that William Hodge had been discharged from the Bastille, at the solicitation of the commissioners, and his papers restored. He was well treated while in the prison. Hodge had been charged with deceiving the government in fitting out Conynghams Revenge at Dunkirk. Hodge had represented to the French that the Revenge was going on a trading voyage, but as soon as he sailed Conyngham began cruising on the British coast, which was of course, the whole idea. The commissioners noted he had captured six sail before running into El Ferrol, Spain.254


The release of Hodge from the Bastille allowed Silas Deane to develop an idea: the selling off of the Continental interest in the two cutters, Dolphin and Revenge. The germ of this idea seems to have taken place about 8 November 1777. On that day Deane wrote to Jonathan Williams, Jr., at [Nantes] with instructions on a number of points. Included were instructions on loading the Dolphin with war supplies for America, In a postscript to the letter Deane asks Williams to load the Dolphin last, as Deane had had some thoughts of sending her another way. . .early next week I will write you my final determination.255


On 15 November Deane advised Williams to make a Tryal wt. is the most can be obtained for the Dolphin without putting her Absolutely to sail [sale] this will be Our guide in determining with regard to her. In other words, Williams was to feel out the market and determine what the cutter was worth. By 19 November the American Commissioners in France had decided to sell the Dolphin. Williams was instructed to put up for sale and get the best price. John Ross, then in Paris with Deane, had expressed an interest. If he did not want the cutter, then Simeon Deane, Silas brother would be interested, but only if the price did not exceed 10000 livres. If this was the case Williams was to purchase the cutter for Simeon Deane.256 Within a few hours the American Commissioners in France decided to hold up selling the Dolphin for a time, as she was being used at Nantes. They asked Williams to report on her possible lading as a packet and how many men would be needed in her crew.257 Now as it happened William Hodge was in Paris at this same time. Hodge was a part owner, with the United States, in the Revenge and possibly the Dolphin. No doubt Hodge, Deane, Ross, and perhaps Franklin conferred on the future of the cutters. One result was probably a decision for Hodge to proceed to Spain. On 15 November Hodge wrote to Conyngham, requesting him to prepare for sea, and wait until he arrived in Spain, or until he received orders to sail. Hodge told Conyngham he would not be able to leave Paris for two weeks, and requested that his intended arrival be kept secret.258


Meanwhile, Arthur Lee also wrote to Spain on 15 November. His letter was to Joseph Gardoqui and Sons. Lee directed Gardoqui to take charge of any prize sent into Bilbao or nearby Spanish ports by a Continental warship, sell her to the best advantage, reserving half the proceeds for the Congress, at my disposal, as their representative in Spain. The other half is the property of the captain and crew. This order was given by my authority states Lee.259 Gardoqui replied on 26 November that it was not wise to send prizes into Spanish ports, as there were positive orders not to allow any prizes or prize goods.260


Williams, at Nantes, reported to the American Commissioners in France on 25 November. In regards to the Dolphin it was impossible to get rid of her at the moment (she was serving as a receiving ship for crew members of the Lion). He could not put her up for sale until the Lion sailed. However he had ordered an inventory taken and would try for a purchase.261


In far away La Coruña, Spain, Conyngham was also writing on that November day; another report to Deane. He mentioned he had Seen in the papers that an American the name of hodge is Released Out of the Bastielle if so I Congratuated him   I am Sure he will have recompense for his Captivity, You may Assure him I Shall Do all in my power. . .262


By 26 November Deane had informed Arthur Lee that John Ross had decided to purchase a portion of the public share of the Revenge. Lee was apparently taken aback and wrote to Ross: Mr. Deane has informed me that you have taken upon yourself to answer for the public Share. . . I shall be obliged to you for informing me whether you understand it so.263


Deane wrote to Ross (at Nantes) on1 December 1777, regarding the two cutters. Deane had now received Williams letter concerning the Dolphin, by which he found she must be retained until the Lion sailed. Hodge was going to Nantes in a few days and would consult with Ross on the spot. Deane left to Ross and Hodge whether they would use the Dolphin or not as you shall Judge Prudent. He reported, for Ross benefit, that Conyngham had taken another prize and that he had been slightly damaged in heavy weather because his mast was too large. He was altering it and preparing for another cruise.264


On 2 December Deane wrote to Conyngham, notifying him that a change was in the works. The  sloop Revenge was now under direction of John Ross and William Hodge. Conyngham was to render his accounts to them, as well as an account of his proceedings since sailing from Dunkerque. He was to take their orders in the future.265 In a similar vein Deane wrote to Lagoanere and Company. He thanked them for their attentions to Revenge at La Coruña and introduced them to William Hodge, a Gentleman of Philadelphia, whom I recommend to your Civilities He is empowered to take the Care and direction of the Revenge. Deane added that Hodge was a person to be relied upon concerning American affairs.266


Ross, answering Lee on 3 December, fully explained the situation regarding the cutters. Hodge was the first one who had mentioned anything to Ross. He was discontented with the unsuccessful expensive Cruizes of the Revenge, and told Ross that Deane wished to be rid of her, and was willing to sell the publics share. Hodge pressed Ross to become the buyer. Ross then spoke to Deane, who confirmed that the Continental share of Revenge was available. As there was no regular conclusive mode of Settlement Deane said Revenge was not now worth her first cost, nor was there any way to ascertain her value. Deane suggested that he would order Hodge and Conyngham to have the hull and equipment examined and their value and condition listed in an inventory. If Ross approved he could then take the publics part on his own account. He would only be charged what the committee of Congress and Ross agreed upon in America at a later date. On these conditions Ross accepted, merely to oblige Mr. Hodge, as the Vessel might be employed more to his Interest under private Instructions. Ross left it to Deane and Hodge to settle the matter. The business was not final however and the American Commissioners in France may approve or disapprove as I want no favor or Interference to the prejudice of the public. Hodge was still at Paris and, if this transaction was approved of, could be given the instructions on how the new owners could take possession.267


By 16 December Ross was at Nantes, from where he answered numerous letters from Deane. In particular he wrote concerning Deanes letter of 2 December, addressed to him and Hodge. This concerned the proposal on the sale of the two Cutters. Ross was willing to buy the publics interest in both (with Hodge), with the interest to be assigned at the first ports that Deanes order reached the respective captains. An inventory of the hulls and equipment, with the values listed, and signed by the captains and officers should be taken. Thereafter the value of the publics share could be settled with Congress (or a committee of Congress) in America. Hodge and Ross, or either of them, or their agent, would then pay for the interest. Rosss motives were chiefly to oblige Hodge, who had spent a great amount of time in the cutter business serving the public without any advantage to himself. Hodges determination to Risque himself if Ross took part ownership, helped sway Ross to make the purchase.268


Ross then inserted an interesting paragraph in his letter. He had received a letter from Arthur Lee respecting the sale of the cutters. Ross enclosed an extract of the letter and a copy of his answer for Deanes benefit. Inferring from this letter of Lees that the American Commissioners in France were not of one mind concerning the cutters, Ross made an excellent suggestion to Deane: Would you not think it adviceable to get the two other Gentlemen Commissioners, to Join You in the Assignment of those Cutters to Mr. Hodge and me? Circumstances & my own observations, lead me to see it necessary for you, to Act as much as possible with consent & approbation of your Coleagues , least your own Separate distinct Services, for the public in Your present Station (however well intended) may be misrepresented, or misconstructedIf any of the Honble Gentlemen, should have any objection to the terms of our agreement, I freely disclaim any Pretensions to the Bargain. . . Hodge intended to depart for Spain the next day, 17 December. If the American Commissioners in France decided not to sell it would be necessary to notify Hodge, so that he could return.269


As for the Dolphin, Ross would make no moves that would inconvenience Williams; the men aboard could remain until they were assigned to another vessel. Ross would receive her only when Williams could dispense with her. Ross intended to send her to a Station clear of those Seas; a place to be decided with Hodge before he left. As she was only fit to carry about sixteen men, with two months stores, a distant voyage was not recommended. She was therefore of no use as a packet or merchant vessel bound to America. In certain cruises, however, she might serve as a tender to the Revenge.270


Ross also wrote to Lee on the 16th. Hodge had arrived at Nantes, with orders from Deane in consequence of the decisions about the cutters. Ross informed Lee that he had written Deane and advised Deane that he had written to Lee on the subject. He asked Lee to join the other commissioners in the decisions, or give Ross his opinion that disputes could be avoided.271 Hodge, ill, departed for Bordeaux on 20 December.272


Lee replied to Ross on 24 December. It is a suite of that Conduct, said Lee, which has confused every thing that Mr. Deane assumes to himself, the right of giving orders without the Knowledge or Concurrence of the other Commissioners. Lee knew nothing of the orders concerning the cutters, nor of the proceedings at Dunkerque. He had spoken to Deane, who had promised to show him Hodges accounts. When Lee had seen those, and knew the terms and the reasons of the sale, he could judge whether it was proper or not. Ross endorsed this letter No Letters from Mr. Lee on that Subject since.273 On 27 December, Ross answered, in a letter to Lee on another subject. Ross was pleased that the business of the cutters had come under Lees consideration. He would expect Lees answer soon.274


Deane wrote an answer to Rosss letter of 16 December on 3 January 1778. He had shown Rosss to Lee but had no answer as yet from that gentleman. The American Commissioners in France may, or may not agree to the proposals made by Deane to Ross and Hodge, but the matter had been laid before them and awaited their decision. Deane was sorry to hear of Hodges illness. He is a worthy honest plain young man & I really Love & esteem him, said Deane.275


The Affair of the Gracieux


Meanwhile Conyngham had received intelligence of a valuable shipment of British dry goods coming to Spain and decided to intercept it. Revenge was back at sea about 20 December. Conyngham was looking for the brig Gracieux (Emanuel de Tournois) expected from London with a cargo of woolen goods.276 The French brig Gracieux277 (Emanuel de Tournais [Augustin Letournais,278 Emanuel le Tournais])279 was bound from London, England to Spain280 with a cargo of dry goods.281 On 21 December 1777 Revenge captured the brig, within sight of San Sebastian, Spain.282


Upon examining the brigs papers Conyngham questioned the brigs skipper Augustin Letournais. On my Asking the Capt. If he new that his Cargoe was British property or not he made Answer, I seen where he Loaded and that I had A Good prize On this Answer I asked him if he was Willing to proceed to America   he said his Vessell was not in condition but would Agree to Go to any port in the Bay I proposd   What port   he said Nants   I Objectd, he then Mentiond Bilboa   I agread   he then demanded one hundred pounds his Vessell ensured and the ten per Cent primage   this I agread too And Obligd to Give him from Under my hand in Writing before he would proceed . . . The French skipper then said his vessel was leaky, that the sand had gotten into the pumps, and that he was short handed, and asked Conyngham for men. Conyngham furnished five sailors, telling them to obey the french man as he was still master of the Vessell and had agreed to go into Bilboa. In the event Gracieux went into San Sebastian, Spain, where the vessel and cargo were seized by the Admiralty officers. Conyngham commented wryly that he might as well have Gone to his first desird port . . .283 Gracieux was in San Sebastian the same day she was captured.284


Revenge continued into port at Bilbao, Spain, arriving about Christmas Day. Conyngham lay at Bilboa with the Revenge for a time. On 3 January 1778, Consul Herman Katencamp reported to Lord Weymouth that he had taken no prizes recently, news that was incorrect. Katencamp reported that his numerous remonstrances regarding Conynghams prizes, and the Censure given to ONeille by Floridablanca, had exasperated the Captain General, thus rendering Katencamps position extreemly unpleasant and hazardous . . .285


Conyngham, back in Bilboa, by 31 December, determined to go to San Sebastian to see if he could shake the cargo loose from the officials.286 By 4 January 1778 Conyngham had claimed the cargo owned by the British shippers. In reporting this venture to the American Commissioners in France, he asked them to find parallel cases of British seizures  to present to the Spanish Admiralty officers as justification for his claim on the cargo. Conyngham asked them to send such parallel cases to Larralde, Diusteguy et fils, merchants at Bilboa, who had taken charge of the business at San Sebastian upon the recommendation of Gardoqui.287 Gardoqui, reporting to Arthur Lee on 10 January 1778, said that the he has the affair on a very good disposition . . .288


There were immediate diplomatic repercussions to this capture. On 16 January 1778 Arthur Lee, one of the American Commissioners informed Conyngham that it was a disputed point whether enemy goods in a neutral vessel constituted a good prize, unless they were contraband. The attempted capture of their ships gives great Offence to our friends, and should be desisted from in future. A copy of the directive sent to all French ports forbidding captures by American privateers of neutral vessels was enclosed. Gardoqui was to show this to Conyngham. Conyngham was, in the future, to show particular Respect to all French and Spanish ships to Remove the Offence that has been given.289 Conyngham was, meanwhile, at San Sebastian. He reported on 14 January to Gardoqui that he hoped to have the cargo and his five crewmen released shortly.290


Meanwhile, Revenge lay in Bilbao, repairing, on 17 January 1778.291


On 21 January 1778, Silas Deane answered Conynghams letter of 4 January. If Arthur Lees response to Gracieuxs capture was a cold blast, Deanes was arctic: . . . it is very unlucky that you fell in with that Vessel, every such Adventure gives our Enemies an Advantage against us by representing of us as Persons who regard not the Law of Nations. Your Idea that you are at Liberty to seize English Property, on board of French or other Neutral Vessels is wrong; it is contrary to the established Laws among the maritime Powers in Europe . . . Deane pointed out that the British had violated this principle in the last war, and again in this one . . . but their Situation, and ours is very different in point of Force, tho not so, in point of right. Conyngham was therefore, to represent the situation to the Spanish Admiralty officers just as he had done to the American Commissioners and then . . . drop your claim, and in future let French, Spanish and other Neutral Vessels pass . . . unless they clearly had contraband (warlike stores) aboard and were en route to an enemy port.292


Conyngham received Arthur Lees letter before 31 January. On that day he answered Lee stating that he would follow Lees directions and adding that he had never had any directions One way or Other but was left to Act myselve. Conyngham then defended his action against the brig, noting that the British seized American goods in any vessel and citing the British Prohibitory Acts. Conyngham said he must beg of you that this Cargoe not be given up to the former Owners . . . But there was more bad news coming for he had not yet received Deanes letter.293


Conyngham had received Deanes letter by 5 February. In his reply he told Deane that when the prize first made port at San Sebastian there was a precedent there for such prizes. The Ablest men of that place declared it a good prize. By now the matter had been carried to such lengths that Conyngham felt the withdrawal of the claim should be left to the man at San Sebastian who was handling the affair. Conyngham would request him to drop the claim and take particular Notice for the future of Deanes directions.294


Meanwhile this misguided capture continued to have repercussions. On 19 February 1778, William Hodge, then at Bilboa, was pushing preparations to get the Revenge to sea. Monies in the hands of Michel Lagoanere & Cie at La Coruña had been seized to the amount of 10000 dollars and Hodge feared an order against the cutter coming down at any time.295


Lee replied to Conynghams letter of 31 January on 20 February. He was sorry for Conynghams difficulties and had done all he could to extricate him, but the Spanish court was determined not to allow any prizes such as the Gracieux to be condemned. Lee thought the repercussions would not, however, last very long.296 On 21 February Michel Lagoanere & Cie informed Willian Hodge of the seizure of the funds, expecting to receive the papers at any moment. Because of the capture of the Gracieux, the Captain General of San Sebastian had been forced to judicially seize the funds. Nevertheless, the merchants would continue to cover Hodges bills for a limited amount.297


By 3 March 1778 Conyngham had received Lees second letter on this business. He answered that On this Subject A Great deal Could be said, the Only thing I could With a Speedy independence Settld, and fall right on france & Spain, from such usuage as we meet with from them I think it must be so, if we are imprisoned, or A prize Given up its all policy, theare it ends and those that Bears the Burden of the day is payd With Damd policySuch payment may do at Court but will not Answer Sailors . . .298


In early January, while Conyngham was in San Sebastian, Revenge was left in Bilbao. Lieutenant Beach was in charge of the cutter. In a port nearby was an American brig, the Hooper (Knapp), bound from the James River, Virginia, to Bilbao with a cargo of tobacco. She had put in to repair some storm damage. The British Privateer Schooner Active (Peter Agnew), out of Guernsey, came too off this port. Agnew hoisted an American flag and waited: a Pilot came off and asked Agnew if he wanted any thing; on which he told him he would be glad to have some fresh provisions, and gave the Pilot English and French money to pay for the same. Agnew at the same time enquiring if there were any ships in port, the Pilot answered there were none, but that there was an American brig with tobacco, for Bilboa, ready to sail, and doubted not but the Master of her would be glad the privateer would take her under convoy, if he was going that way. Being told that he was, the Pilot mentioned it on going ashore, and Knapp soon came out; but on drawing near the privateer, he perceived his mistake, and he and his crew immediately left the brig, and rowed on shore. Soon after Agnew boarded the vessel, and found no living creature on board, except a cat and dog; they retreated so precipitately, that they left all their papers on board.299 Of course the news of this soon reached Bilbao.


Upon the urging, or permission, of Gardoqui & Sons, Beach hastily collected his crew and men from other American vessels in the harbor. On 10 January Beach sailed from Bilbao with a copy of Conynghams commission and 110 men aboard, searching for the Hooper. Forty of these men were e from the other armed American vessels in the harbor. A valuable prize, the ship Hope (William Butler), was captured.300 Hope was bound from Newfoundland to Bilbao with a cargo of fish and oil. Beach put Jeremiah Hibbert, commander of one of the American privateers at Bilbao, and a volunteer aboard the Revenge, aboard the Hope as prize master and sent her into Bilbao, where she arrived on 17 January.301 Beach was still out searching for the Hooper on 16 January.302


Meanwhile, the repercussions of the Gracieux incident kept on. At San Sebastian, the local house and attorneys who had helped Conyngham get his sailors released now had a problem. Although the prize had been declared illegal, the verdict was appealed to the Supreme Council of War, where Capt. Letournois solicited with the greatest ardor Payment of all the Costs, expenditures, interest, and damages, which will Surely amount to exorbitant sums, indicting with the bitterest gall the Conduct of the Government of San Sebastián in his Regard, and expressing himself in the strongest terms concerning the Liberty given to Cunninghams Seamen, and On all the favors accorded him. The Person who, on the Behalf of our Friends in San Sebastián, involved himself in seeking the happy success of Cunninghams cause Comes, Sir, to find himself today exposed to the most vexatious Consequences for the unusual deference with which he treated Cunningham and his Seamen: He Fears being held responsible to the Council of War for the Results of the liberty that has been given them . . . 303


Somewhat later, one of the local attorneys in San Sebastian, wrote to Conyngham on 18 May 1778. The case was proceeding well, but could go not urther without security from Conyngham, or assurances from his mercantile factors that they would cover the potential losses involved. The outcome of this letter is unknown.304


As Conyngham was preparing to put to sea there was trouble with his crew. The details are unknown, but no doubt involved pay and prize money.305


The Cruise to Cadiz 6 March-26 March 1778


Revenge sailed from Bilbao on 6 March 1778,306 with William Hodge aboard as a passenger. Hodge and Conyngham were taking the cutter to the West Indies, steering for St. Pierre, Martinique.307 Sailing with the Revenge were two other privateers which were returning to America. These were described as a brigantine of fourteen guns and a schooner of ten guns, and were probably the Massachusetts Privateer Brig General Mercer (Commander James Babson) and the Massachusetts Privateer Schooner Hawke (Commander Jeremiah Hibbert).308 A third privateer, Massachusetts Privateer Schooner Lively (Commander Michael Dupre), may also have sailed with the Revenge.309


Out to sea off the Portuguese coast the Revenge made her first prize of the cruise. Brig310 or brigantine Peace and Harmony (George Kennedy) was owned in London, England. She had sailed from Lisbon, Portugal bound for London on 7 March, with a cargo of fruit. Peace and Harmony was captured by the Revenge on 10311 or 11 March.312 Later, Kennedy described the Revenge as a sloop armed with twenty guns, but with only fourteen mounted. The remaining guns being stowed in the hold. Kennedy noted the Revenges crew as being fifty-seven men.313 The prize was sent off for Newburyport, Massachusetts, addressed to Jackson, Tracy & Tracy,314 under Prize Master Squire. It was noted that he took her in to Nantucket, Massachusetts and sold her.315


Revenge continued sailing south after dispatching the Peace and Harmony. In the general vicinity of Cabo de São Vincente, Portugal, she made two more prizes. Brig316 or brigantine317 Betsy (John Murphy)318 was owned in Bristol, England319 or Dublin, Ireland,320 by Richard Godson.321 She had loaded fruit and barilla322 at Sicily and sailed to Gibralter. From there she sailed in a convoy escorted by HM Frigate Alarm (Captain Robert Man) on 22 February 1778,323 bound for Newry, Ireland.324 A few days out she was separated from the convoy in bad weather.325 She was captured on 11326  or 12 March,327 off Cabo de São Vincente328 and sent off to Jackson, Tracy & Tracy at Newburyport, Massachusetts.329 A crew of four Americans and perhaps some foreign sailorrs were put aboard under William Haysham of Philadelphia.330 Betsey was re-captured by the British  armed ship Earl Bathurst, which was en route from New York, New York to Plymouth, England,331 on 8 April 1778.332


The 170-ton333 sloop334 or snow335 Fanny336 (William St, Barbe337 [Samuel Bacb])338 was owned by one Modigliani339 in London, England,340 and had been built in 1767. She mounted six 3-pounders341 or eight 6-pounders,342 with a crew of fifteen men.343 and was in route from Zant [Zakinthos Island, Ionian Islands, Sultanate of Turkey] to London, England with a cargo of fruit,344 raisins345 and some dry goods.346 Fanny had also sailed with Alarms convoy and parted in bad weather. She was captured by Revenge on 12 March347 (not on 19 March)348off Cabo de São Vincente and sent off to America,349 addressed to Jackson, Tracy & Tracy of Newburyport, Massachusetts.350 She arrived at Martinique in the French West Indies, where she was sold by D.H. Conyngham for 32,675.17.0 livres, which was paid to Continental Agent William Bingham.351


The prisoners from the three prizes were put ashore at Madeira352 on 15 March, on the east end of the island. All three masters and their mates were put into a Portuguese boat, which brought them into Madeira. The remainder of the crews were kept aboard the Revenge in irons. Conyngham promised to release them from the irons, after the masters and mates had been removed, if they would join his crew. Most of the prisoners agreed to do so. The masters hastened to report their information to the local British consul, Charles Murray, on 16 March.353


Conyngham took the opportunity of landing the masters to send a letter ashore to Casey & Lynch, who were merchants at that place. Conyngham, after discussing various business matters, noted that he could not come into port, as American vessels could not get clearance to enter Portuguese ports. Other remarks in the letter indicate that, at this time, he still planned to proceed to Martinique. Conyngham gave this letter to Murphy to deliver. That gentleman gave it to the British consul.354


The three masters, Kennedy, Murphy, and Barbe, then took passage from Madeira to Lisbon, Portugal, arriving on 30 April 1778. They contacted the British consul there and reported on the Revenge. According to them Conynghams crew was composed of twelve French marines; six or eight others of different nations; and but two or three native Americans, these foremastmen: The rest, being a great majority of the crew, and including both the commander & all his officers; are as I am assured by the three masters abovementioned, all Irish.355


Following the capture of these vessels, Conyngham steered for the mouth of the Straits of Gibralter with the intention of cruising in that area. As the Revenge approached the area, about WSW of Cadiz, Spain,356 she fell in with HM Sloop357 Tender Enterprize,358 fitted out at Gibralter by Captain Sir Thomas Rich, and serving as a tender to HM Frigate Enterprize, on 22 March.359 The tender was armed with four 2-pounders and six swivels360 and had a crew of twenty men.361 She was no match for the Revenge. Conyngham removed her crew and burned the tender.362


On 23 March Revenge was sighted and chased by HM Frigate Enterprize. The British frigate came down on her very quickly but soon the wind fell off. Conyngham got his men on the Revenges sweeps and she managed to gradually get to windward of the Enterprize. The night came on and Revenge got off into the gloom, temporarily eluding Enterprize. The next day Revenge was sighted, at a distance, by HM Frigate Levant (Captain George Murray).363 Revenge ran down and captured a large brig364 loaded with salt,365 and bound for Newfoundland,366 but Levant was coming up and was close enough to prevent securing the prize.367 Still, Levant was too far away to do more than watch as Revenge captured the ship Hope later in the day.368


The 250-ton369 British Privateer370 Ship Hope371 (A. Jones)372 was bound from the Straits of Gibralter373 (and before that from Zant)374 to Bristol, England375 with a cargo of raisins. She had been built in 1766 and was owned by one Champion of Bristol. The battery of the Hope is variously reported as twelve 4-pounders, sixteen 6-pounders,376 sixteen 6-pounders and 4-pounders,377 or ten guns.378 Conyngham listed her crew as twenty-five men.379


Revenge had some of her guns stowed in the hold and only had ten mounted on deck when she met the Hope. Jones, sighting Revenge, took her for an American merchant vessel and chased. Hope fired a few guns at Revenge from two miles away as a signal to heave to, but Conyngham ignored the shots. Not until Hope was near enough for the Americans to put our Hands upon the Muzzle of her Guns did Conyngham open fire. Then we gave it to her warmly . . . said Hodge. Jones was wounded as was one other of Hopes sailors. Revenge fired a second broadside into the Hope and then maneuvered to rake her fore and aft. Seeing this Jones surrendered his ship.380 According to another account the British crew would not stand to their quarters forcing the surrender.381 Although Conyngham told his friends at Cadiz that she was sent off for America382 but his instructions to the prize master, written on 29 March, indicate she was to proceed to Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain.383 Revenge and Hope being to windward of the Levant,384 the latter was helpless to intervene. The light winds, interrupted by calms and the falling night, allowed Revenge to escape under oars, even though Enterprize managed to join Levant in the chase.385 Hope had a Very happy escape and went off in a different direction.386


The two British frigates steered different courses in the night, one to windward, the other to leeward, hoping to find the Revenge and Hope between them in the morning. The Hope was sighted at dawn on 25 March and recaptured but the Revenge had vanished. The British searched all day with no luck. The Hope was sent into Gibralter, where she arrived on 26 March. HM Frigate Alarm joined the British patrol about the same time.387


Revenge was not to be found on the sea. On 26 March388 the Revenge entered the port of Cadiz. Another British warship, HM Frigate Monarch (Captain Joshua Rowley),389 was in the bay of Cadiz at the time, waiting to escort outward bound British merchant vessels.390 Another unidentified British frigate was at Cadiz for repair.391 The English consul at Cadiz, Joseph Hardy, reported her arrival to Lord Weymouth on 27 March, noting that he believed Conyngham was an Outlawed Smuggler. The Revenge was a sloop of sixteen guns with a crew of forty-two men, mostly North Britons according to Hardy. Hardy said the Revenge had come from Bilboa and had taken five prizes en route, including a tender to HM Frigate Enterprize. Despite Hardys efforts to prevent the Revenge being allowed to land her men the American vessel was cleared by the health officer. Hardy protested and notified Lord Grantham at Madrid.392


When he arrived Conyngham found the harbor full of shipping. There were at Cadiz twenty-two ships of the line of the Armada Real (Spanish Royal Navy), with six more expected to soon arrive. There were frigates and small craft of the Armada Real present. There were eleven vessels flying the American flag. There were also two frigates of the Dutch navy, and HMS Monarch (Captain Joshua Rowley). Conyngham was not the least intimidated by the British battleship and anchored directly astern of her, at two cables lengh, roughly 1200 feet.393


Monarch had been in the harbor some days, attempting to get provisions, water, wood and other refreshments from the Spanish, with no particular success. An officer on board reported we had the mortification to see the usual honours paid to two Dutch frigates, and above all to the Revenge American privateer, commanded by Cunningham, who came swaggering in with his thirteen stripes, saluted the Spanish admiral, had it returned, and immediately got product; the Spaniards themselves carrying on board wood, water, fruit, and fresh provisions . . .394


Many years later, in his memoirs, Conyngham described what happened next: An English ship of the Line & two frigatts were laying in Cadiz on our arrivalin their usual & diabolick mode of Warfare had determined in the Night by their boats to set the revenge on fireA Good french man on board one of them Gave notice to the french Consul of their designe, who advised of. Consequently was prepared for them, they did appeare in the dead of the night but took Care to Keep their distance, the spanish admirall had thiss notice & he politely offered a 74 Gun ship to protect usWe acknowledge the favor, but was noways apprehensive of any danger, to the 15th Contrary it was our wish they would make the Attempt.395


Conyngham addressed himself to the firm of J. L. And L. LeCouteulx and Company. The firm immediately contacted the governor and got an order from the health officer to allow the crew to land. Conyngham went ashore and reported on his cruise. The Revenge needed some repair and provision, which LeCouteulx & Co. agreed to supply with readiness and pleasure, as well as out of affection to the cause he Serves in. Le Couteulx, interestingly, refers to the Revenge as a sloop.396 Revenge landed the prisoners from Hope and the tender Enterprize somewhere around the Straits of Gibralter, probably before entering Cadiz.397


Conyngham and Hodge began repairing and cleaning the cutter at Cadiz. Hodge reported, on 31 March, that he intended to stay in Cadiz for a time and was planning to send out Revenge on a cruise in a few days. The Americans had also learned of the re-capture of the Hope by then. Hodge noted the harbor was now narrowly watchd, as might be expected with Conyngham and Revenge there.398


While Hodge and Conyngham were busy in Cadiz, readying the Revenge for sea, matters concerning the status and control of the cutter were in discussion among the American Commissioners in France. On 19 April 1778 the American Commissioners wrote a set of instructions to Conyngham. They stated that they had received a complaint from the remaining part of the officers and crew of an unfair distribution of prize money by Hodge. To prevent this, Conyngham was to consign prizes to Gardoqui and Sons at Bilbao and to the principal Merchants at Cadiz or La Coruña. They would pay the crew their share of the prize money and account to the American Commissioners for the publics part. The American Commissioners requested to have immediately an Account of what you have hitherto taken, their supposed Value and to whom committed. You will use your utmost Endeavours to make up your Crew and taking a Cruise where you can with safety, come to Bourdeaux, Brest or Nantes. We can there examine into your Disputes and settle your future Establishment, with much more Ease and Effect. The American Commissioners directed Conyngham, in the future, to make copies of a prizes bills of lading and to submit these to the commissioners, to prevent fraud by the agents. In closing the letter the American Commissioners made a, possibly ominous, request: We wish to be favoured with a Copy of your Commission. Conyngham was also directed, in a postscript: You will inform your Ships Company of the directions We have given to provide for their Satisfaction in future.399


There is a draft of this letter written by Arthur Lee, which is much more direct: The interest which the public has in the vessel you command makes us regard her as a continental Ship of war. Mr. Hodge and Mr. Ross have therefore no right to direct or controul you. Neither had Mr. Deane alone any right to dispose of the vessel; nor of the produce of the prizes you made, as Monsr. Lagonere informs us he has done. You will give us an account for the future of your plans and proceedings; and the Individuals who may be concernd in her, (for we know not who they are nor how far they have contributed) will have their share when they prove their right. These directions from the American Commissioners were caused by the attempts of Hodge and Ross to buy out the public share of the Revenge.400


On the same day the American Commissioners wrote to Hodge. The Commissioners had been informed by their banker that Hodge had spent 92,435 livres (*3950) which had been supplied to him by Deane, and for which no accounting had been made by Hodge. At least there was none among the papers Deane had left behind.  It also appeared to the Commissioners that you have claimed that Vessel as the Property of Mr Ross and You, and under your direction. It appears too, as well by a Letter from the Merchant at Corogne into whose Hands the prizes made by that Ship were put, as by one dated from thence and Signed by the Remainder of the Crew, that you have assumed to yourself the produce of those prizes, and the distribution, of the prize-Money. In the Execution of this, the Ships Company complains of great Injustice; and that in Consequence of your Conduct, the Vessel is almost entirely abandoned.401 The Commissioners wished to hear from Hodge before We determine upon the Justice of these Complaints and the propriety of your proceedings. We therefore desire to have your State of the Matter, and the Orders under which you act, as soon as possible. Since the Revenge was partly public property, the Commissioners would give Conyngham his orders in the future. Hodge was directed to disburse the full prize money among the remaining crew.402


As time approached for sailing, Conyngham wrote to Lagoanere & Co. to warn them that he might soon be sending in prizes to La Coruña, and that he might soon arrive there: We are now ready and have Got Some men that I hope to be Able to mann two prizes if fortune favours us And you must not be Surprised if Such enters your port. . . it is Verry likley and You may expect to see me before Long . . . keep the sum I desired of you in your hands in Case I Shall put in any Wheare and be Necessitated to draw on you . . .403


In his letter to Lagoanere, Conyngham recounted an incident that had happened a few days before: the Other Day A Verry pleasing Affaire happend off this port. An english Cutter with Dispatches to Gibralter fell in With the Alarm Capt. man Altho the both hoist english Colours neither of them would beleive or trust them And in Consequence Capt. Man being quite Sure it being Our Cutter he had not the patience or Would not Waite to he come up A Long side fired Write Aboard him And killd 5 men from Such Unhuman proceedings What Can be expected from Some english men the have Degenerate So much that from being A brave enemy the Are the Contrary404


Revenge sailed from Cadiz on 16 April 1778405 in the morning. Scarcely had he gotten out of port when he made his first prize..  This was the 100-ton brig Tapley (Holt), owned by Lewis & Co. She was on a voyage from Bideford, England to Malaga, Spain with a cargo of butter. Conyngham thought she was not worth sending to America for she was old, built in 1765. Conyngham assigned A. Walsteame as her prize master and sent her in to Cadiz, Spain. He instructed Lacoute & Co., as agents, to sell the cargo and load her with salt and other items. She ws then to be dispatched to Newburyport, Massachusetts to the care of Jackson, Tracy & Tracy.406 By 30 April Lord Grantham, the British ambassador to Spain, had learned of the capture, had seen Floridablanca, the Spanish prime minister, and had protested the seizure. Floridablanca ordered her detained for the owners, and, in case of doubt, the Council of War would settle any issues.407 Tapley got safely into Cadiz and was sold, before 16 May 1778, for 100,00 reales by the agents, L. Le Couteulx and Co.408


On 19 April 1778,409 the 180-ton brig Carbonnere (Carboneer) (Fabian Street), with a cargo of salt, was captured.410 She was armed with four cannon and had a crew of ten men aboard.411 Carboneer had been built in New England in 1766, and was owned by J. Green and Y. Green.412 She was sailing from Trapoli in Sicily bound to Carboneer, Newfoundland, and was taken at 37°N, 7°35'W.413  She was sent off to Newburyport, Massachusetts, under Prize Master414 Charles Hornsby. Carbonneres entire crew was removed and a prize crew of seven men put aboard with Hornsby. About 11 June, the prize was  about three miles south of Halifax Light House when she was re-captured by HM Frigate Ambuscade. She was sent in to Halifax, Nova Scotia.415


The third prize, also taken on 19 April 1778,416  was the 110417 or 130-ton brig Countess of Morton 418[Countess of Mouton]419(J. Orrick),  bound from Barcelona, Spain to Cowes, England with a cargo of fruit and wine.420 Countess of Morton had been built in 1767 in Leith, Scotland, and was owned by Orrick.421 She was ordered away to Newburyport, Massachusetts, but the prize master took her in to Martinique in the French West Indies.422 She was sold there by D.H. Conyngham and the proceeds, 40,947.9.8 livres, paid to William Bingham, the American agent.423


Last, the brig Maria (R. Preto),424 or Mary (Philip Preto)425 had a cargo of cheese and dry goods for the garrisons of Gibralter and the Balearic Islands.426 Conyngham took this brig in to La Coruña with Revenge.427 Maria had been built in Newburyport, Massachusetts in 1767, measured 170 tons, and was armed with four 6-pounder cannon428 (or six cannon), and had a crew of fifteen men.429 She was owned by Preto. She had a cargo of porter, chesse, and dry goods.430


On 1 May 1778,431 Revenge put in to the Groyne, a bay near La Coruña, Spain to refit. The governor was the same as before, Don Felix ONeille, and immediately gave orders that the Revenge could stay no longer than was absolutely necessary to clean, refit and replenish. The Crew took advantage of this Order and made extravagant demands for Prize Money &c. threatening to leave the Vessel if they were not complied withthe necessity was such as obliged him to comply with their demand by making advances and doing every other thing they were pleased to ask.432 Conyngham reported to Hodge on 16 May, noting that he had captured four prizes on this cruise, two of which he sent to America and one he brought in to Cadiz. On 21 May Conyngham wrote to Michel Lagoanere requesting the settlement of the accounts due to the crew from the prizes Dispatch, Brothers, Two Brothers and Syren. The owners half of the proceeds was to be held, pending resolution of the mixed ownership of the Revenge. 433


As for the brig Maria, which Revenge had brought in with her, Conyngham claimed the prize was leaky and thus got permission from OReilly  to land the cargo. This was usually the preliminary to the cargo being sold. The British consul reporting these events expected Revenge to sail soon and I fear will do very considerable Mischief.434


With the crew now partially satisfied, Conyngham was furnished with a letter of credit and referral to thirteen mercantile firms in France, Spain and the Canary Islands on 22 May by Lagoanere & Co. Thus eased of worries about refitting and replenishing, he took Revenge out to sea on 23 May 1778.435


On 31 May 1778, off Cape Finisterre,436 at 40°N, 12°W from London,437 Revenge fell in with the Swedish flagged brig Henrica [Henerica; Honoria] Sophia (Peter Heldt), bound from London, England to Tenerife in the Canary Islands with a cargo of cloth and bale goods, all English owned.438 Heldt was not too worried. Only two days before, at 42°50"N, he had met  another Privateer fired a shott under striped Colours, brought them too, sent his officer on Board the Brig opened Several Chests & Boxes looking for papers, after examining the papers, told the deponant he might proceed his voyage . . .439


Heldt then described what happened: they fell in with an American Privateer called the Revenge  mounting 14 Guns & had 60 men, that the Privateer fired a shot at the Brig and brought her too, & ordered the Deponant to put out his Boat & bring his papers on Board the Privateer which the Deponant did, that afterwards they Sent an officer, & examined the Letters and paper . . .440  Conyngham determined that she was a neutral vessel and wanted to let her go, but no less than twenty-five of his crew protested, the Cargoe appearing so plain to be British property. They wanted him to send her to America.441


Conyngham knew this was a prize to stay away from, but his crew was nearly mutinous. The protest itself is interesting because it gives a snapshot of some of the officers aboard the Revenge. Among the signers are Matthew Lawler, First Lieutenant; Benjamin Peel, a Prize Master; Josiah Smith, her Surgeon; and Thomas Hease, whom Conyngham described as the chief officer of my staff . . .442 It appears Conyngham tried to make he best of a bad situation. He informed Heldt that the cargo was English property and that he was sending Honoria Sophia in as a prize, but that Heldt would keep his brig and receive *600 freight for hos cargo. Heldts mate and seven men were removed and a prize master and eight men put aboard.443 She was ordered in to Newburyport, Massachusetts.444


Henrica Sophia was again captured, on 7 July 1778, near the Seal Islands off Cape Sable, Nova Scotia, by the True Blue, a tender operated by HMS Diamond. She was taken in to Halifax, Nova Scotia, and tried and apparently released in the Vice Admiralty Court there.445 Alternatively, she was captured off Cape Cod, Massachusetts, by HM Frigate Rainbow, on 8 July 1778.446


A map of Revenge’s cruises in European waters. From Sea Raiders of the American Revolution.


The capture of this neutral vessel created a large diplomatic incident. When the Swedish government learned of it, they had their ambassador at Paris, the Comte de Creutz, ask Vergennes for assistance. On 1 October 1778 he contacted the French foreign minister, informing him of the capture by an American corsair who sent the ship with the captain and three of the crew to America. Seven men and the pilot were kept as prisoners, being detained at the bottom of the hold. When Conyngham put in at La Coruña, these men contacted the Dutch consul, who procured their liberty. Creutz continued But as Sweden has no relations with the United States of America, he confidently addresses himself . . . to His Excellency, to beg him to be good enough, by his intervention, not only to obtain the restitution of that vessel and its cargo, with all suitable damages, but also to cause that corsair ro be pounished exemplarily, showing the sais State the indispensable necessity for them to observe the law of nations and respect the flag of neutral powers.447


The French minister was having no part of this business. He replied on 6 October: The King would have had pleasure in intervening with his good offices in order to procure the restitution of that vessel, but he has no right to make representations on this subject to the United States of North America, and still less to influence their principles and their conduct towards Powers which have not only no treaty with them, but which have not yet even recognized rheir independence.448


The Spanish court was also irritated by this capture, presumably because the cargo was bound for a Spanish port. Since Spain had no diplomatic contact with the United States, that kingdom used a back channel through the banker for the American Commissioners in France. Grand heard verbally from the Spanish on 2 October 1778 and notified Franklin. Franklin replied, to Grand, on 14 October.449


After some time, Franklin replied to Grand (and through him to the Spanish court) on 3 November 1778. Franklin notes that the Americans were Penetrated with respect for Spain and the Spanish king, and that nothing pains us more than complaints we have received against Mr. Conyngham . . . Franklin then pointed out the position of the United States by enclosing a copy of the articles governing privateers, and an example of what happened to a Portuguese vessel captured by a privateer and the effort to return it, Franklin then referred to the many violations of neutrality by the British. But this does not excuse Conyngham. It is a crime in our eyes to have displeased a power for which Congress is penetrated with respect, and although justified by seizing, by way of reprisals, the English prize which Conyngham had brought in to Teneriffe to be sent to Martinique, we will none the less inform Congress of the grounds for complaint which this privateer has given to his catholic majesty.450


Arthur Lee, never a friend to Franklin, Conyngham, or seemingly, anyone else, reported to the Committee of Foreign Affairs on 15 November. He said the capture was considered in Spain as a violence done to them and has given great offense. Lee added The Court of Spain is so much offended at Captain Cunningham's conduct before this, that they write me orders have

been sent to all their ports to prohibit his entrance. From the beginning to the end of this business of Cunningham, it has been so bad, that Congress only can correct it, by punishing those who are concerned. It has cost the public more than one hundred thousand livres, and embroiled us both with the French and Spanish Courts.451


This all lay in the future as Conyngham continued his cruise. Conyngham took no more prizes. The news of the capture of the neutral vessel had reached the Spanish court in the meantime. The ports of Spain were ordered closed to him. When Revenge returned to La Coruña on 20 August, Conyngham was denied entry. The Revenge moved down the coast to a nearby inlet, where he was allowed to clean and refit.452 On 1 September 1778, Revenge sailed for the West Indies.453


The West Indies


Revenge arrived at Martinique on 9 October 1778,454 having made no prizes en route. Here Conyngham reported to William Bingham, the Continental Agent (Commercial Agent), who took the Revenge under his care, direction, and orders. The crew was engaged for a cruise, bounty money was advanced them by Bingham, and Revenge was prepared for sea.455 Bingham gave Conyngham orders or instructions on 26 October 1778, which would be close to the beginning of the cruise.456


Revenge was at sea for eighteen days, working north before she found any prizes. On 13 November 1778,457 the sloop Two Friends, in ballast,458 (or with a cargo of water casks)459 was captured off St. Eustatius. She was ordered into Martinique, consigned to Bingham, but was recaptured by the British. Next, two schooners, also in ballast, were captured off St. Eustatius. They were sent into St. Eustatius, consigned to Curson & Govermus, and were ransomed (or sold) there for 6270 livres. Finally, the British Privateer Schooner Admiral Barrington460 (Pelham)461, armed with six462 or eight 463 2-pounder cannon464  and fourteen swivels, and manned with a crew of thirty-seven, was captured off St. Eustatius.465 Conyngham put a prize crew aboard and kept the prize with him, perhaps to use as a tender. However, the next day, 14 November,466 she was ordered into Martinique, to Bingham, and safely arrived. Admiral Barrington was valued at 19,500 livres.467 Revenge put in to St. Eustatius to replenish.468


Revenge sailed from St. Eustatius on 16 November 1778.469 The next day she encountered the British Privateer Brig Loyalist470 (Morris),471 armed with ten472 (or twelve)473 guns and fourteen swivels, and with a crew of fifty men.474 Loyalist put up a brief fight before surrendering.475 She was captured to the windward of St. Martins and was ordered into Martinique, consigned to Bingham.476 She safely arrived there, escorted by Revenge, on 21 November.477 Her value was listed as 6650 livres.478


A map of Revenge’s cruises in the West Indies. From Sea Raiders of the American Revolution.


Revenge returned from the cruise on 21 November.479 She was at St. Pierre when, on 29 November 1778 Bingham issued a fresh set of orders or instructions to Conyngham. Bingham noted the alliance between France and the United States and suggested this would point out the necessity of annoying the mutual enemy. Conyngham was given a letter for the Comte dEstaing, whose fleet Bingham knew was en route to the West Indies from America. Bingham had also received intelligence of a French convoy with troops en route to Martinique. If Conyngham met this convoy he was to advise the French that British Admiral Barringtons fleet was cruising to the windward of Martinique. Bingham had also learned that a British troop convoy bound from Newport to the West Indies had been scattered by storms. Conyngham was exhorted to look out for these troop transports, which might be an easy Prey without their escort. Conyngham was furnished with a copy of the French fleets signals.480


Revenge sailed immediately. On 9 December 1778,481 she captured the brig Suckey482 [Lukey]483 (perhaps Sukey) off Antigua. Suckey was in ballast, and was ordered into Martinique, also consigned to Bingham. She safely arrived. Her value was listed as 2600 livres.484


Revenge, I seems, returned to Fort Royal, Martinique, and reported aboard the French flagship, where he met the Comte dEstaing.  Conyngham repoted on the situation of the British fleet at St. Lucia.485 Conyngham sailed with the French fleet from 14 December and observed the the Battle of St. Lucia (15 December).


It was about this time that, off Barbados, Revenge engaged a Kings cutter of 28 guns, which was pursued under the guns of the fort there. The cutter might have been captured but high seas prevented Revenge boarding her.486 He returned to St. Pierre about 20 December.487 On 28 December Conyngham was sent by Bingham to the French fleet, with new and valuable intelligence. It seems he stayed with the French fleet until 29 December 1778, before returning to St, Pierre for repairs on 2 January 1779.488


Evidently some portion of Revenges crew had left the cutter in Martinique and had arrived at Philadelphia in early or mid-December 1778. Almost immediately these men stirred up trouble. The crew, led by Surgeon Josiah Smith, complained in a memorial to the Continental Congress. The memorial was read to that body on 26 December 1778, and the matter was referred to the Marine Committee.489 On 4 January 1779 the Marine Committee reported on the memorial and recommended that Conyngham be directed to report to the Continental Congress and render an account of his conduct during his command of the Revenge.490


However, Conyngham was at Martinique on 16 January 1779. On that date William Bingham ordered Conyngham, as an Officer in the service of the Congress, to board a Danish brig, captured by an American privateer, and seal down her hatches. Her cargo appeared to be Portuguese. This was a standard procedure in prize cases, and only serves to fix Conynghams presence at Martinique.491


Of this period, Conyngham later said he made several cruzes to Windward & among the Islandsmade some prizes of little value, protected several AM merchantmen & convoyed others clear of the Island. Kept the British privateers in Good order in those seas, Captured two of them492


On 5 February 1779493 Revenge sailed for Philadelphia, bearing dispatches for Congress from Bingham, and a cargo of fifty chests of small arms.494 Revenge safely arrived at Philadelphia on 21 February 1779.495 The next day the Committee of Commerce presented Binghams letter to the Continental Congress. The arms were ordered to be turned over to the Board of War the same day,496 and an officer was dispatched to receive them on 24 February.497


The complaints of the crew were still outstanding. The Marine Committee launched an investigation into the affairs of the Revenge. On 10 March the Marine Committee wrote to Jackson, Tracy & Tracy in Massachusetts, to whom some of Conynghams prizes had been consigned. The Marine Committee said, in their letter, that it had very important public reasons for developing with great certainty and exactness, the origin, progress and designs of Captain Conyngham and the Cutter he commanded called the Revenge. According to Conyngham many prizes had been sent to Jackson, Tracy & Tracy. A full accounting was requested, as well as a copy of Instructions you may have received from any person whatever regarding these prizes.498


Within two days it was evident to the Marine Committee that the affairs of the Revenge were tangled indeed. It was quickly decided to sell the vessel. On 12 March 1779 the Marine Committee notified Joseph Reed, the President of Pennsylvania, that the cutter, by order of Congress, would be sold at public auction at the Coffee House in Philadelphia on Wednesday.499 On 17 March, prior to the sale, Conyngham was ordered by the Marine Committee to deliver his pig lead to the Board of War.500


The Marine Committee had wished to send the cutter to sea for the United States, but the others involved in the cutter wished to use her as a privateer. The Marine Committee notified the state of Pennsylvania concerning the sale. Pennsylvania wished to buy or rent the cutter to cruise with another of its warships. The Executive Council of Pennsylvania appointed Blair McClenachan to apprise the vessel. He reported she was wortn between £30000 and £40000. The council authorized a bid of £45000. On 17 March Nesbitt & Co. outbid everyone for the cutter.501


For the subsequent career of Revenge and Conyngham, see the entry under Pennsylvania Privateer Cutter Revenge.



1 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

2 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Harwich, June 14, 1777, to the Postmaster-General at London,” IX, 397-398; “Lords Commissioners, Admiralty, to Commanders of Four Cruisers,” IX, 409-410

3 NDAR, “Intelligence Summary of French Assistance to American Naval Vessels and Privateers,” IX, 453-457

4 NDAR, “Intelligence Summary of French Assistance to American Naval Vessels and Privateers,” IX, 453-457

5 NDAR, “Lords Commissioners, Admiralty, to Commanders of Four Cruisers,” IX, 409-410

6 Conyngham’s replacement commission was dated 2 May 1777; see below

7 NDAR, “Intelligence Summary of French Assistance to American Naval Vessels and Privateers,” IX, 453-457

8 Allen, A Naval History of the American Revolution, i, 266

9 NDAR, “Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 411-414

10 Allen, A Naval History of the American Revolution, i, 273

11 Grand was the Paris banker for the American Commissioners in France.

12 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Joseph-Matthias Gerard de Rayneval,” IX, 373-374

13 NDAR, “Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 391-393

14 NDAR, “Lieutenant William Hills, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 398-399

15 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Harwich, June 14, 1777, to the Postmaster-General at London,” IX, 397-398

16 NDAR, “”A.B.” to Edward Stanley, Custom House, London,” IX, 404-405

17 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from Havre de Grace, dated June 19.,” IX, 410-411

18 NDAR, “Lords Commissioners, Admiralty, to Commanders of Four Cruisers,” IX, 409-410

19 NDAR, “Philip Stephens to Vice Admiral Molyneux Shuldham, Plymouth,” IX, 438-439

20 NDAR, “Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 411-414 and 414 note

21 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Capt. [Andrew] Frazer to Lord Viscount Weymouth dated Dunkirk. 23d June 1777.,” IX, 424

22 NDAR, “London Chronicle, Thursday, July 3, to Saturday, July 5, 1777,” IX, 463

23 NDAR, “William Carmichael to the American Commissioners in France,” IX, 446-447

24 NDAR, “Andrew Frazer to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 461

25 NDAR, “Andrew Frazer to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 466-467

26 NDAR, “Andrew Frazer to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 466-467

27 NDAR, “Lord Weymouth to Lord Stormont,” IX, 462-463

28 NDAR, “London Chronicle, Tuesday, July 8, to Thursday, July 10, 1777,” IX, 487 and note; “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

29 NDAR, “Intelligence Received from Joseph Fuller, Master of the James and Henry,” IX, 513-514

30 NDAR, “Andrew Frazer to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 500 and note

31 NDAR, “Richard Russell to the British Navy Board,” IX, 512-513 and 513 note

32 NDAR, “Intelligence Received from Joseph Fuller, Master of the James and Henry,” IX, 513-514

33 NDAR, “George Jackson to Admiral Sir Thomas Pye, Portsmouth, and Vice Admiral Molyneux Shuldham, Plymouth,” IX, 514 and note

34 NDAR, “Edmund Elsden to Lord Weymouth,” X, 901-902 and 902 note

35 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

36 NDAR, “Edmund Elsden to Lord Weymouth,” X, 901-902 and 902 note

37 Allen, A Naval History of the American Revolution, i, 273

38 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

39 NDAR, “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

40 NDAR, “Josiah Smith to Benjamin Franklin,” IX, 377-378 and 378 note

41 NDAR, “Accounts of Continental Navy Cutter Revenge, Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” IX, 642-644

42 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

43 Allen, A Naval History of the American Revolution, i, 273

44 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

45 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

46 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

47 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

48 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

49 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

50 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

51 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

52 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

53 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master,” IX, 517 and note; “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note; “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note, where the date given is 22 July; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601. Further, Conyngham gives the date as 26 July in “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

54 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master,” IX, 517 and note; “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note; “An Agreement made between Benjamin Bailey and Francis Mulligan,” IX, 522; “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note; “Lieutenant John Moore, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 535-536 and 536 notes; “Philip Stephens to Sir Stanier Porten,” IX, 539 and note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

55 Lloyd’s Register of Shipping 1776-1777

56 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master,” IX, 517 and note; “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note; “An Agreement made between Benjamin Bailey and Francis Mulligan,” IX, 522; “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note; “Lieutenant John Moore, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 535-536 and 536 notes; “Philip Stephens to Sir Stanier Porten,” IX, 539 and note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

57 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note; “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note; “Lieutenant John Moore, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 535-536 and 536 notes

58 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and notes; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

59 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note; “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note; “Lieutenant John Moore, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 535-536 and 536 notes; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

60 NDAR, “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note; “Lieutenant John Moore, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 535-536 and 536 notes; “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and notes

61 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

62 NDAR, “Lieutenant John Moore, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 535-536 and 536 notes

63 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

64 Lloyd’s Register of Shipping 1776-1777

65 NDAR, “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note

66 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note

67 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master,” IX, 517 and note; “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note

68 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master,” IX, 517 and note

69 NDAR, “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note; “Lieutenant John Moore, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 535-536 and 536 notes; “Philip Stephens to Sir Stanier Porten,” IX, 539 and note

70 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master,” IX, 517 and note

71 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note

72 NDAR, “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note

73 NDAR, “An Agreement made between Benjamin Bailey and Francis Mulligan,” IX, 522

74 NDAR, “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note

75 NDAR, “Lieutenant John Moore, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 535-536 and 536 notes

76 NDAR, “Captain Francis Richards, R.N., to Philip Stephens,” IX, 534-535 and 535 note

77 NDAR, “Philip Stephens to Sir Stanier Porten,” IX, 539 and note

78 NDAR, “Edmund Elsden to Lord Weymouth,” X, 901-902 and 902 note

79 NDAR, “List of the American Prisoners confined in Forton Prison Decr: 29th: 1777,” XI, 888-891 and 891 note

80 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note

81 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601;

82 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note

83 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

84 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note

85 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

86 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note; “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note

87 NDAR,  “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

88 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note; “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note

89 NDAR, “Journal of Benjamin Bailey, Prize Master of the Brig Northampton,” IX, 517-519 and 519 note

90  “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

91 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

92 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note;  NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

93 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note

94 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

95 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

96 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

97 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601;  “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

98 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

99 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601;  “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

100 NDAR, “Edmund Elsden to Lord Weymouth,” X, 901-902

101 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note

102 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note

103 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note”Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

104 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

105 NDAR, “Edmund Elsden to Lord Weymouth,” X, 901-902

106 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note; “Edmund Elsden to Lord Weymouth,” X, 901-902

107 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note

108 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from Oban, dated Aug. 11, to Mess. Milnes and Nongrave, Merchants, at Liverpool,” IX,562 and note; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes; “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

109 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

110 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

111 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from Oban, dated Aug. 11, to Mess. Milnes and Nongrave, Merchants, at Liverpool,” IX,562 and note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes; “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

112 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from Oban, dated Aug. 11, to Mess. Milnes and Nongrave, Merchants, at Liverpool,” IX,562 and note

113 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

114 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from Oban, dated Aug. 11, to Mess. Milnes and Nongrave, Merchants, at Liverpool,” IX,562 and note

115 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

116 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from Oban, dated Aug. 11, to Mess. Milnes and Nongrave, Merchants, at Liverpool,” IX,562 and note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601;  “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes; “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

117 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

118 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from Oban, dated Aug. 11, to Mess. Milnes and Nongrave, Merchants, at Liverpool,” IX,562 and note

119 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

120 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

121 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes; “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

122 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

123 NDAR, “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

124 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

125 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

126 NDAR, “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

127 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes; “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

128 NDAR, “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

129 NDAR, “Deposition of John Hutchason, Prize Master of the Brig Venus,” X, 197-199 and 200 notes

130 NDAR, “Lord Macartney to Lord George Germain,” X, 296-297 and 297 notes

131 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

132 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

133 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 606-607 and 607 note; “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

134 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 606-607 and 607 note; “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 634-635; “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

135 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 606-607 and 607 note; “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 634-635; “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

136 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 606-607 and 607 note; “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 634-635 and who reverses the name to Thomas Evans; “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

137 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 606-607 and 607 note; “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 634-635

138 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 606-607 and 607 note

139 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 606-607 and 607 note; “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

140 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601; “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

141 NDAR, “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

142 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

143 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 626; “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 634-635

144 NDAR, “Sir Hugh Palliser to Lord Sandwich,” IX, 520

145 NDAR, “Lord Weymouth to Lord Stormont,” IX, 531-532

146 NDAR, “Lord Weymouth to Lord Stormont,” IX, 531-532

147 NDAR, “Marquis de Noailles to Vergennes,” IX, 532-533

148 NDAR, “Lord Weymouth to Lord Grantham,” IX, 531

149 NDAR, “Vergennes to the Marquis de Noailles,” IX, 536

150 NDAR, “Sir Stanier Porten to Philip Stephens,” IX, 537 and note

151 NDAR, “Philip Stephens to Sir Stanier Porten,” IX, 539

152 NDAR, “Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 540-542

153 NDAR, “Lord Weymouth to Lord Stormont,” IX, 543-544

154 NDAR, “Lord Weymouth to Lord Grantham,” IX, 544 and note

155 NDAR, “Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 550-551

156 NDAR, “Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane to Ferdinand Grand, Paris Banker,” IX, 570-571. The letter was intended as an answer to Vergennes.

157 NDAR, “William Lee to the American Commissioners in France,” IX, 575-576 and 576 note

158 NDAR, “Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 579-582

159 NDAR, “Marquis de Noailles to Vergennes,” IX, 610-611

160 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Robert Morris,” IX, 597-598

161 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” IX, 599-601

162 NDAR, “Accounts of Continental Navy Cutter Revenge, Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” IX, 642-644

163 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 606-607 and 607 note

164 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 615-616

165 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 626

166 NDAR, “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 634-635

167 NDAR, “Edmund Elsden to Lord Weymouth,” X, 901-902

168 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 865-866 and 866 note; see also NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 657-658

169 NDAR, “Accounts of Continental Navy Cutter Revenge, Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” IX, 642-644

170 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 865-866 and 866 note; see also NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 657-658

171 NDAR, “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” X, 878-879

172 NDAR, “Paul Wentworth to William Eden,” X, 960-963

173 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 652 and notes

174  “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153]

175 NDAR, “Lord Weymouth to Lord Grantham,” IX, 649

176 NDAR, “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” IX, 654-655

177 NDAR, “Lord Weymouth to Lord Grantham,” IX, 661

178 NDAR, “Conde de Floridablanca to Lord Grantham,” IX, 678 and notes

179 NDAR, “John and Thomas Kirwan to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1025-1026

180 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 865-866 and 866 note

181 NDAR, “John and Thomas Kirwan to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1025-1026

182 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 865-866 and 866 note

183 NDAR, “John and Thomas Kirwan to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1025-1026

184 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 865-866 and 866 note

185 NDAR, “John and Thomas Kirwan to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1025-1026

186 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 865-866 and 866 note

187 NDAR, “John and Thomas Kirwan to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1025-1026

188 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 865-866 and 866 note

189 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 890 and notes

190 NDAR, “Conde de Floridablanca to Lord Grantham,” X, 903-904 and 904 notes

191 NDAR, “John and Thomas Kirwan to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1025-1026

192 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 865-866 and 866 note

193 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 890 and notes

194 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

195 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 890 and notes

196 NDAR, “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” X, 878-879

197 NDAR, “Conde de Floridablanca to Lord Grantham,” X, 903-904 and 904 notes

198 NDAR, “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” X, 906-907 and 907 note

199 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Miguel Lagoanere and Company,” X, 923 and note. This however, may refer to another prize.

200 NDAR,”The London Chronicle, Tuesday, November 18, 1777,” X, 1001

201 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 968; “The London Chronicle, Tuesday, November 18, 1777,” X, 1001

202 NDAR,”The London Chronicle, Tuesday, November 18, 1777,” X, 1001

203 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 968

204 NDAR,”The London Chronicle, Tuesday, November 18, 1777,” X, 1001

205 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

206 NDAR,”The London Chronicle, Tuesday, November 18, 1777,” X, 1001

207 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 968

208 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

209 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 979-980 and 980 note

210 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 979-980 and 980 note

211 NDAR, “Silas Deane to John Ross,” X, 1055-1056

212 NDAR, “William Hodge to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” X, 996

213 NDAR, “Arthur Lee to Joseph Gardoqui and Sons,” X, 996

214 NDAR, “Conde de Floridablanca to Lord Grantham,” X, 1003-1004

215 NDAR,”Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1005-1006

216 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Felix O’Neille,” X, 1017-1018 and 1018 note

217 NDAR,”Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1005-1006

218 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1041-1043 and note

219 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Felix O’Neille,” X, 1017-1018 and 1018 note

220 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1041-1043 and note

221 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Felix O’Neille,” X, 1017-1018 and 1018 note

222 NDAR, “Felix O’Neille to Herman Katencamp.” X, 1019

223 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Felix O’Neille,” X, 1017-1018 and 1018 note

224 NDAR, “Felix O’Neille to Herman Katencamp.” X, 1019

225 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1041-1043 and note

226 NDAR, “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1006-1007

227 NDAR, “Captain Elliott Salter, R.N., to the Earl of Sandwich,” X, 1132-1133

228 NDAR, “John and Thomas Kirwan to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1025-1026

229 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 1030-1032

230 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 1030-1032

231 NDAR, “Miguel Lagoanere & Co. to Lassore Freres & Co.,” X, 1045

232 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” X, 1067 and note. Although headed as a letter to the American Commissioners in France in NDAR, this letter is clearly not to them. Syren was captured about 30 November 1777, and arrived in El Ferrol about 2 December 1777. Even today a letter to Paris and a reply in two days is something unusual. The more likely addressee is Lagoanere and Company, La Coru*a.

233 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note

234 Lloyd’s Register of Shipping 1776

235 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note

236 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Benjamin Peel,” X, 1054 and note

237 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note

238 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note

239 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note; “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Miguel Lagoanere and Company,” X, 1100 and notes

240 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note

241 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note

242 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1104-1105 and 1105 notes

243 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and note

244 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” X, 1067 and note. See above.

245 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” X, 1067 and note. See above.

246 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Miguel Lagoanere and Company,” X, 1100 and notes

247 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Benjamin Peel,” X, 1054 and note. These orders are undated.

248 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1104-1105 and 1105 notes

249 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

250 NDAR, “Conde de Floridablanca to Lord Grantham,” X, 1101-1103 and 1103 note

251 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1104-1105 and 1105 notes

252 NDAR, “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1140 and note

253 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Vieus and Morrell,” X, 1153

254 NDAR, “American Commissioners in France to the Committee for Foreign Affairs,” X, 879-881

255 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Jonathan Williams, Jr.,” X, 981

256 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Jonathan Williams, Jr.,” X, 994 and note

257 NDAR, “Silas Deane and Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Jr.,” X, 995

258 NDAR, “William Hodge to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” X, 996

259 NDAR, “Arthur Lee to Joseph Gardoqui and Sons,” X, 996

260 NDAR, “Joseph Gardoqui & Sons to Arthur Lee,” X, 1041

261 NDAR, “Jonathan Williams, Jr. to the American Commissioners in France,” X, 1029-1030

262 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” X, 1030-1031

263 NDAR, “Arthur Lee to John Ross,” X, 1040-1041

264 NDAR, “Silas Deane to John Ross,” X, 1055-1056

265 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” X, 1058

266 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Miguel Lagoanere and Company,” X, 1059

267 NDAR, “John Ross to Arthur Lee,” X, 1064 and note

268 NDAR, “John Ross to Silas Deane,” X, 1106-1108 and 1108 notes. According to the notes Deane had given Ross and Hodge the option of buying the half interest of the United States. Hodge already owned one quarter; Ephraim Cunningham & Co. owned the other quarter. Alternatively they could act as agents for Congress in the management of the cutters.

269 NDAR, “John Ross to Silas Deane,” X, 1106-1108 and 1108 notes

270 NDAR, “John Ross to Silas Deane,” X, 1106-1108 and 1108 notes

271 NDAR, “John Ross to Arthur Lee,” X, 1108

272 NDAR, “John Ross to Silas Deane,” X, 1142

273 NDAR, “Arthur Lee to John Ross,” X, 1144

274 NDAR, “John Ross to Arthur Lee,” X, 1153-1154

275 NDAR, “Silas Deane to John Ross,” XI, 868-869

276 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” X, 1065 and notes

277 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” XI, 872 and notes; “James Gardoqui to Arthur Lee,” XI, 904-905

278 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” XI, 872 and notes

279  NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 920-921

280 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” XI, 872 and notes; “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 920-921

281 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” XI, 872 and notes; “James Gardoqui to Arthur Lee,” XI, 904-905; “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 920-921

282 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 920-921

283 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” XI, 872 and notes

284 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 920-921

285 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 869-870 and 870 note

286 NDAR, “James Gardoqui to Arthur Lee,” XI, 904-905

287 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners in France,” XI, 872 and notes

288 NDAR, “James Gardoqui to Arthur Lee,” XI, 904-905

289 NDAR, “Arthur Lee to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” XI, 918 and note

290 NDAR, “William Hodge to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” XI, 918 and 919 note; “James Gardoqui and Sons to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” XI, 920 and note

291 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 920-921

292 NDAR, “Silas Deane to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” XI, 926-928 and 928 note

293 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Arthur Lee,” XI,956-957 and 957 note

294 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Silas Deane,” XI, 967 and note

295 NDAR, “William Hodge to John Ross,” XI, 1024-1025 and 1026 notes

296 NDAR, “Arthur Lee to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,”  XI, 1029-1030 and 1030 note

297 NDAR, “Michel Lagoanere & Cie to William Hodge,” XI, 1031-1033 and 1033 notes

298 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Arthur Lee,” XI, 1059 and note

299 NDAR, “Lloyd’s Evening Post and British Chronicle [London], Monday, January 26, to Wednesday, January 28, 1778,” 934-935

300 NDAR, “William Hodge to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” XI, 918-919 and 919 notes

301 NDAR, “Joseph Gardoqui and Sons to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” XI, 920 and 920 notes

302 NDAR, “William Hodge to Captain Gustavus Conyngham,” XI, 918-919 and 919 notes

303 “Unidentified Person to Benjamin Franklin,” XII, 641-643 and 643 notes. This letter probably came from Gardoqui.

304 NDAR, “Bernard Dehez to Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy,” XII, 711-714 and 714 notes

305 NDAR, “Michel Lagoanere & Cie to Silas Deane,” XI, 1094-1096 and 1096 notes

306 NDAR, “Michel Lagoanere & Cie to Silas Deane,” XI, 1094-1096 and 1096 notes; “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th July 1777,” XI, 1127;  “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143. According to NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” 1128-1129, Revenge sailed on 4 or 5 March. According to NDAR, “John Emery to Benjamin Franklin,” XI, 1080 and notes it might have been 7 March.

307 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

308 NDAR, “John Emery to Benjamin Franklin,” XI, 1080 and notes; “Charles Murphy to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092

309 NDAR, “John Emery to Benjamin Franklin,” XI, 1080 and notes

310 NDAR, “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th July 1777,” XI, 1127 and 1128 notes; “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

311 NDAR, “Charles Murphy to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092

312 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and note

313 NDAR, “Charles Murphy to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092

314 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

315 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

316 NDAR, “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th July 1777,” XI, 1127;  “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143; “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

317 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes

318 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

319 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

320 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes

321 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

322 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

323 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes

324 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes; “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

325 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes

326 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes

327 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

328 NDAR, “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th. July 1777,” XI, 1127-1128 and notes

329 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

330 The prizemaster is identified by two journals of prisoners in Forton Prison. Haysham (or Hessam) and two members of the prize crew were committed to Forton Prison on 8 May 1778. [NDAR, “Journal of Dr. Jonathan Haskins,” XII, 674 and 674 notes] “This afternoon there were three prisoners brought to prison, who were taken in a prize upon the Grand Bank [off Newfoundland], bound to America, by a large old East Indiaman, which has been made a transport. She was bound from New York to England, with a few of Burgoyne’s officers on board, wounded and exchanged. The three who came to prison tell us that they had the offer of entering the English service, yet they chose to come to prison. The prize-master's mate entered the service [of England]; of those who came to prison, there was one Newbury man, one Casco Bay man, and one Philadelphia man.”[Herbert, A Relic of the Revolution, 119-120]

331Extract of a letter from Plymouth, May 3, 1778,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 128; “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153. According to NDAR,she was taken by the storeship Grampus on the Newfoundland Banks. [NDAR, “Journal of Dr. Jonathan Haskins,” XII, 674 and 674 notes] However, Grampus arrived at Portsmouth on 13 May 1778 [Almon, Remembrancer, 6:207, extract of a newsletter from Portsmouth] and the prisoners were committed to Forton Prison on 8 May.”"This afternoon there were three prisoners brought to prison, who were taken in a prize upon the Grand Bank [off Newfoundland], bound to America, by a large old East Indiaman, which has been made a transport. She was bound from New York to England, with a few of Burgoyne’s officers on board, wounded and exchanged. The three who came to prison tell us that they had the offer of entering the English service, yet they chose to come to prison. The prize-master’s mate entered the service [of England]; of those who came to prison, there was one Newbury man, one Casco Bay man, and one Philadelphia man." [Herbert, 119-120 on 8 May date].William Haysham [Hessam] and two members of the prize crew were committed to Forton Prison on 8 May 1778. [NDAR, “Journal of Dr. Jonathan Haskins,” XII, 674 and 674 notes] I am grateful to http://shissem.com/Hissem_William_Heysham_Line.html for sorting out who re-captured the Betsey.

332 Colburn, Jeremiah, “List of American Prisoners Committed to Old Mill Prison, England, During the War,” in The New England Genealogical Register, vol XIX, 139

333 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

334 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

335 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

336 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes; “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

337 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

338 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

339 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

340 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes

341 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

342 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

343 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

344 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

345 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

346 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

347 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and notes

348 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129 and 1129 notes

349 NDAR, “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th. July 1777,” XI, 1127-1128 and notes

350 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

351“Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

352 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

353 NDAR, “Charles Murray to Robert Walpole,” XI, 1091-1092 and 1092 notes

354 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to Casey & Lynch,” XI, 1089 and note

355 NDAR, “Sir John Hort to Lord Weymouth,” XII, 659 and 660 notes

356 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

357 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

358 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

359 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

360 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

361“Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

362 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

363 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

364 NDAR, NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143 and notes

365 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143 and notes

366 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

367 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143 and notes

368 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

369  NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

370 NDAR, “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th July 1777,” XI, 1127 and 1128 notes; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

371 NDAR, “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th July 1777,” XI, 1127 and 1128 notes;  “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

372 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

373 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

374 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

375 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes; “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

376 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

377 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

378 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

379“Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

380 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143

381 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

382 NDAR, “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th July 1777,” XI, 1127 and 1128 notes

383 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to a Prize Master,” XI, 1134 and note

384 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to a Prize Master,” XI, 1134 and note

385 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

386 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham to a Prize Master,” XI, 1134 and note

387 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from Gibralter, March 27,” XI, 1128-1129

388 NDAR, “Joseph Hardy to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 1125 and notes; “Ships from America Enter’d in the Bay of Cadiz since the 9th July 1777,” XI, 1127

389 NDAR, “Joseph Hardy to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 1125 and notes

390 NDAR, “Joseph Hardy to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 1125 and notes; “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

391 NDAR, “Prizes made by the sloop Privateer Capt. Gustv. Cunningham, from the 6th to the 20th March 1778,” XI, 1128 and notes

392 NDAR, “Joseph Hardy to Lord Weymouth,” XI, 1125 and notes

393 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from an Officer on Board the Monarch, lately arrived at Plymouth from her Cruise, XII, 664 and 665 notes

394 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter from an Officer on Board the Monarch, lately arrived at Plymouth from her Cruise, XII, 664 and 665 notes

395 “Narrative of Captain Gustavus Conyngham, U.S.N., While in Command of the ‘Surprise’ and ‘Revenge,’ 1777-1779,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 22 (1898), pp. 483-

396 NDAR, “J. L. And L. LeCouteulx and Company to Silas Deane,” XI, 1125-1127 and 1127 notes

397 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143 and notes

398 NDAR, “William Hodge to Silas Deane,” XI, 1142-1143 and notes

399 NDAR, “American Commissioners in France to Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy,” XII, 583 and notes

400 NDAR, “American Commissioners in France to Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy,” XII, 583 and notes

401 NDAR, “American Commissioners in France to William Hodge,” XII, 584 and notes

402 NDAR, “American Commissioners in France to William Hodge,” XII, 584 and notes

403 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to Michel Lagoanere,” XII, 571 and notes

404 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to Michel Lagoanere,” XII, 571 and notes

405 He did not sail on 10 April as reported in the notes to NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XII, 682 and notes

406 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to Lacoute & Co.,” XII, 570-571 and 571 notes

407 NDAR, “Lord Grantham to Lord Weymouth,” XII, 625 and note

408 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702 and 703 note4

409 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

410 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702 and 703 note1

411 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

412 Lloyd’s Register of Shipping 1778

413 Dow, AVCR, 18

414 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

415 Dow, AVCR, 18

416 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

417 Lloyd’s Register of Shipping 1778

418 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702 and 703 note2

419 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

420 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702 and 703 note2

421 Lloyd’s Register of Shipping 1778

422 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702 and 703 note2

423 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

424 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702 and 703 note3

425 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XII, 682 and notes

426 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702 and 703 note3

427 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702 and 703 note3; Conyngham gives the date of her capture as 4 May, but it was likely to have been 1 May, See “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

428 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XII, 682 and n2

429 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

430 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XII, 682 and n2

431 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to William Hodge,” XII, 702

432 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to Michel Lagoanere,” XII, 738-739 and 739 notes. The quote is from “Narrative of the Proceedings of Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Commander of the Revenge Cutter,” ScHi, Henry Laurens Papers.

433 NDAR, “Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, to Michel Lagoanere,” XII, 738-739 and 739 notes.

434 NDAR, “Herman Katencamp to Lord Weymouth,” XII, 682 and notes

435 NDAR, “Letters of Credit Given to Captain Gustavus Conyngham, Continental Navy, by Lagoanere & Co.,” 742-743 and 743 note

436 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

437 AVCR, 39

438 NDAR, “Declaration by Officers and Crew of the Continental Navy Cutter Revenge,” 788 and notes

439 AVCR, 39

440 AVCR, 39

441 NDAR, “Declaration by Officers and Crew of the Continental Navy Cutter Revenge,” 788 and notes

442 NDAR, “Declaration by Officers and Crew of the Continental Navy Cutter Revenge,” 788 and notes

443 AVCR, 39

444 NDAR, “Declaration by Officers and Crew of the Continental Navy Cutter Revenge,” 788 and notes

445 AVCR, 39-40

446 NDAR, “Declaration by Officers and Crew of the Continental Navy Cutter Revenge,” 788 and notes

447 “Comte de Creutz to the Comte de Vergennes,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 138-139

448 “Comte de Vergennes to the Comte de Creutz,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 139

449 To Benjamin Franklin from [Ferdinand Grand], [before 14 October 1778],” Founders Online, National Archives. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-27-02-0535]

450 “Benjamin Franklin to Ferdinand Grand,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 148-149

451 Arthur Lee to the Committee for Foreign Affairs,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 149-150

452 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 38

453 “Extract from the Boston Gazette, February 15, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 153-154

454 Bowen-Hassell, Gordon E., Conrad, Dennis M., and Hayes, Mark L, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, Washington: Navy Historical Center, 2003, 38

455 “A Narrative respective Lugger surprize & Cutter revenge,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 1-12.

456 “William Bingham to Gustavus Conyngham,” letter 29 November 1778, in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 150-151. This refers to the earlier orders.Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, marks this as the beginning of the cruise.

457 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 38

458 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

459 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 38

460 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

461 “Extract from the Boston Gazette, February 15, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 153-154. Although the newspaper report is datelined 10 December and 20 December 1778, it appears to be a summary of several cruises. Still it shows Revenge at Martinique on 20 December 1778.

462 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

463 “Extract from the Boston Gazette, February 15, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 153-154. Although the newspaper report is datelined 10 December and 20 December 1778, it appears to be a summary of several cruises. Still it shows Revenge at Martinique on 20 December 1778.

464 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 38

465 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

466 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 38

467 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, between pp. 152 and 153

468 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 38

469 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 38

470 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

471 “Extract from the Boston Gazette, February 15, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 153-154. Although the newspaper report is datelined 10 December and 20 December 1778, it appears to be a summary of several cruises. Still it shows Revenge at Martinique on 20 December 1778.

472 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

473 “Extract from the Boston Gazette, February 15, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 153-154. Although the newspaper report is datelined 10 December and 20 December 1778, it appears to be a summary of several cruises. Still it shows Revenge at Martinique on 20 December 1778.

474 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

475 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 39

476 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

477 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 39

478 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

479 Bowen-Hassell, Gordon E., Conrad, Dennis M., and Hayes, Mark L, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, Washington: Navy Historical Center, 2003

480 “William Bingham to Gustavus Conyngham,” 29 November 1778, in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 150-151

481  Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 39

482 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

483 Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 39

484 “Account of Prizes taken in the Surprize by Capt. Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Robert Wilden, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham A Captain of the Continental Navy 1777-1779, New York, Naval History Society, 1915, between 152 and 153

485 Conyngham, David Hayfield, Reminiscences of David Hayfield Conyngham, 1750-1784; of the revolutionary house of Conyngham and Nesbitt, Philadelphia, Pa., Philadelphia: Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, 1904, pp 26-28 and notes

486 “Extract from the Boston Gazette, February 15, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 153-154. Although the newspaper report is datelined 10 December and 20 December 1778, it appears to be a summary of several cruises. Still it shows Revenge at Martinique on 20 December 1778.

487 “Extract from the Boston Gazette, February 15, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 153-154. Although the newspaper report is datelined 10 December and 20 December 1778, it appears to be a summary of several cruises. Still it shows Revenge at Martinique on 20 December 1778.

488  Bowen-Hassell, Sea Raiders, 39

489 “Extract from the Journals of Congress, Dec. 26, 1778,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 152

490 “Report of the Marine Committee, Jan. 4, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 152

491 “William Bingham to Gustavus Conyngham,” letter 16 Januasry 1779, in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 153

492 “A Narrative respective Lugger surprize & Cutter revenge,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 1-12.

493 Bowen-Hassell, Gordon E., Conrad, Dennis M., and Hayes, Mark L, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, Washington: Navy Historical Center, 2003

494 “Extract from the Journals of Congress, February 22, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 154

495 Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, xlvi

496 “Extract from the Journals of Congress, February 22, 1779,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 154

497 “Richard Peters to Gustavus Conyngham,” letter 24 February 1779,  in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 155

498 “The Marine Committee to Messrs. Jackson, Tracey & Tracey,” letter 10 March 1779, in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 155-156

499 “The Marine Committee to Joseph Reed,” letter 12 March 1779, in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 156-157

500 “The Board of War to Gustavus Conyngham,” letter 17 March 1779, in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 157. The heading is probably wrong: it seems to be a letter from the Marine Committee.

501 Conyngham, Reminisce censes, 27; Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, xlvii; “Attestation of Gustavus Conyngham,” in Neeser, Gustavus Conyngham, 158-159


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