|Massachusetts Privateer Schooner Scammel|
|Scammel [Scammel’s Revenge]|
Commander Noah Stoddard
|Massachusetts Privateer Schooner||
13 April 1782-November 1782
13 April 1782
|Out of Service/Cause:||
November 1782/re-commissioned in Rhode Island
Dimond Morton, Peter Geyer et al, of Boston, Massachusetts
Date Reported: 13 April 1782
Number/Caliber Weight Broadside
Total: 16 cannon/
Broadside: 8 cannon/
13 April 1782: 61 [total]
(1) Boston, Massachusetts to Boston, Massachusetts, [May] 1782-[June] 1782
(1) Sloop Loyalty (Bennet Trulone), [May] 1782
(1) Raid on Chester, Nova Scotia, 30 June 1782
Massachusetts Privateer Schooner Scammel was commissioned on 13 April 1782 under Commander Noah Stoddard of Boston, Massachusetts. She was listed as being armed with sixteen guns and having a crew of sixty men. Her $20000 bond was signed by Stoddard and by Dimond Morton and Peter Geyer, both of Boston.1
Scammel was soon at sea. About May 1782 Stoddard captured the 40-ton sloop Loyalty2 (Bennet Trulone3 [Talone]). She was en route from Penobscot Bay to Halifax, Nova Scotia. Loyalty was sent into Boston.4 She was libeled in the Maritime Court of the Middle District on 20 June 1782,5 and tried on 25 June.6
Another prize was the schooner7 or sloop8 Fox, 70 tons, taken en route to Nova Scotia with a cargo of provisions.9 She was probably captured in May 1782. Fox was sent into Boston, Massachusetts, arriving on or before 3 June 1782.10 Her trial was set for 20 August 1782.11 The schooner is here called the Scammel’s Revenge.12
Meanwhile, HM Frigate Blonde (Captain Edward Thornborough) was cruising in Boston Bay. She captured the Massachusetts Privateer Lyon (Tuck), off Salem, Massachusetts, armed with twenty guns, and bound from Cape Ann, Massachusetts to France with a cargo of masts and spars.13 Blonde and her prize then steered for Halifax. On 10 May Blonde ran aground on a previously unknown rock, near the Seal Islands, off Nova Scotia. The Lyon steered away and made for Halifax, unable to assist the crew of the Blonde. Lyon got into Halifax on 13 May.14
Extract from a navigation map to show Blonde Rock's location relative to Great Seal Island.
The crew of the Blonde began working to save themselves from the wreck. The sixty-four American prisoners aboard volunteered to man the pumps and kept at it as the crew were slowly moved by boats to the to the Seal Islands, only one man being lost, “who perished due to his own obstinacy . . .” The island was desolate.15
Two American privateers now appeared, the Massachusetts Privateer Schooner Lively (Adams) and the Scammel.16 The privateers sent ashore for water and discovered the British crew. After Thornborough and Adams discovered that they were both members of the order of Freemasonry,17 a deal was struck. The American vessels would evacuate the British and deliver them to the mainland, and the British would liberate the prisoners among them. The Americans loaded the British and delivered them ashore on the mainland. Adams furnished Thornborough with passports to prevent any American privateers annoying them as they made for Halifax; and Thornborough gave Adams a similar passport against British cruisers, until the privateers made port in Massachusetts.18
Extract from modern topographic map to show the Seal Islands in relation to mainland Nova Scotia.
Stoddard may have had additional motives than the usual ones for this recent cruise, judging by what followed.
In June 1782 a group of Massachusetts privateer captains decided to sail together from Boston on a cruise. Among the items on the skipper’s agenda was a raid on the coast of Nova Scotia, specifically the town of Lunenburg.19 The captains agreed to give Noah Stoddard of the Scammel overall command in the raid.20 Stoddard had recently returned from a cruise off the Nova Scotian coast and, presumably, had fresh intelligence of the area.21 The other vessels involved were the Massachusetts Privateer Schooners Hero (Commander George W. Babcock) and Dolphin (Commander Greag (or Gregory) Power), and the Massachusetts Privateer Brigantine Hope (Commander Herbert Woodbury, or Woodbury). After sailing the privateers seem to have met and been joined by another vessel, the New Hampshire Privateer Cutter Swallow (Commander John Tibbets).22 The force now assembled was thus:
American Privateers in the Lunenburg Raid, 1 July 178223
Noah Stoddard, Scammel
George W. Babcock
Greag [Gregory] Power
Herbert Woodbury [Woodberry]
Total: 5 vessels
The town of Lunenburg was founded in 1753, by Protestant settlers, mostly from Germany. The site of the new town was on a narrow, hilly peninsula, jutting into the sea. The town consisted of about forty or fifty dwelling houses, and had a population of several hundred, although many more people lived in the hinterland.24 The Americans referred to Lunenburg as “an elegantly situated Town, ten Leagues West of Halifax . . .”25
Blockhouse at Lunenburg, about 1800. From and old print. From the Nova Scotia Virtual Archives. Online here.
The town had been founded in the time of the French wars, and was situated with defense in mind. It lay on a hog-back peninsula. Three blockhouses, an smallish old pentagon fort with a barracks, and a line of pickets protected the town on the west. There were two batteries on each end of the picket. Another blockhouse lay on top of a hill, 135 feet above the water, and defended the eastern approach.26 This blockhouse was probably the one built in 1779 by a vote of the Nova Scotia Assembly.27
Lunenburg had a militia organization. It had frequently been called up to defend Halifax. In July 1782 there were probably no more than twenty militiamen in town, many being away at work.28 The most prominent local citizen was Colonel John Creighton, a member of the Governor’s Council, a local judge and a commander in the local militia.29 Also present was a militia Major, D. C. Jennsen. There were few other officers present, as many of the citizens were away at Halifax.30
Finally, there was a small presence of the British Army. A corporal’s guard, consisting of the corporal and his six men, were in the town.31
Stoddard seemingly assigned the town of Chester, Nova Scotia, located on Mahone Bay to the south of Halifax, as a rendezvous point. Chester had been populated by many families from Massachusetts and had a distinct New England flavor. It is possible that Stoddard planned to obtain more local intelligence there. Chester was defended by a small blockhouse, a small garrison for it, and the local militia. The garrison and most of the militia were absent in late June 1782.
Meanwhile, Stoddard had picked up a local fisherman, a Mr. Umlah, who operated out of Lunenburg. He was pressed into service as a pilot. In the afternoon of 30 June 1782 the Americans headed for Chester. Present were the Scammel, Hero, and probably, the Hope.32
The three privateers sailed in to the harbor firing cannon shots. Ashore the commander of the local militia, Captain Jonathan Prescott, assembled the men he had available and manned the blockhouse. An attempt to fire the guns there failed, due to bad powder. More powder was obtained and a few more shots fired, one of which went home to one of the privateers. The Americans then withdrew behind a small peninsula.33
The Americans now landed a party of armed men who marched over the peninsula. Meanwhile, Prescott had drawn up his small force on the opposite shore of the harbor. Both sides drew up and a remarkable discussion began. The Americans asked permission to bury their dead, of which they had none.
The British captain ordered them to stack their arms, which they did. A parley began, which was probably the point of all the posturing anyway. This ended with the privateer captains dining with Prescott ashore.34 A suitable charade had been performed and, no doubt, much current intelligence was gleaned at supper.
The story goes on to say that Prescott bluffed the privateers away by pretending reinforcements had arrived, a tale that his visitors no doubt happily concurred in. Recall that many of the Americans had relatives ashore in Chester. Prescott himself was related to serving American officers. It was not a nasty pillage and grab raid, but a charade for higher authorities.
During the evening or the night, the other two privateers joined the little squadron. The Americans withdrew to their vessels and sailed for Lunenburg, about twenty miles away.
Track of the privateer fleet from Chester to Red Head. From “Oak Island Theories: Sack of Lunenburg.₋ Original here.
If the Americans had gained intelligence at Chester, it seems that the British did too. Late on 30 June, one Captain Weiderholt arrived at the farm of Leonard Schwartz. The farm was located on what later was called Myra’s Island, a peninsula that connected only at low water with the mainland, and was about a mile from the town. Wiederholt said he was from Halifax, and warned Schwartz that “The Yankees are coming tomorrow.”35 Wiederholt may have seen the ships at sea, but this would hardly tell him the that the Yankees were coming “tomorrow.” Clearly he had picked up this information at Chester. Both Schwartz and Wiederholt seem to have gone to bed, putting off until the next day the passing this intelligence on to the town.36
Early in the morning of 1 July 1782, in the dark,37 the American flotilla converged on a small bay two miles from Lunenburg.38 The place was called Red Head, “an uninhabited woody place” near another place known as Blue Rocks.39 A landing party of ninety men was put ashore,40 under the command of Lieutenant Paterman,41 (or Barteman,42 Bateman,43 Batterman)44 and began marching toward Lunenburg. The assembled then privateers sailed for the town.45
Meanwhile, dawn was coming to Schwartz’s farm. Magdalena Schwartz, Leonard’s wife, rose to go out and milk the cow. While engaged in this mundane activity she heard a noise and looked up from her pail. She saw the advaning landing party marching over the top of a small hill. Magdalena dropped the milk pail and ran for the farm house where she told Leonard. Far too late, Leonard headed for town. The Americans saw him as he crossed Rous Brook and fired a few shots at him, but he got clean away.46
According to the Americans, “This gallant Corps with amazing Rapidity reached the Town . . .”47 At sunrise, about 0435,48 the raiders marched into Lunenburg, taking the place by nearly complete surprise.
The assault on Lunenburg. From “Oak Island Theories: Sack of Lunenburg.₋ Original here.
The raiders spread out. and some went to Colonel Creighton’s house, as part of the initial plan was to seize him first and eliminate the militia leadership.49 But the American plan hit its first snag here. “The case was, that Mr. Creighton’s servant having perceived a large company of armed men coming on the road from the commons, had acquainted his master thereof.” Creighton, with a precious few minutes warning, rallied two or three neighnors and ran for the eastern blockhouse. Part of the night guard at the blockhouse had left, but two or three remained. All together the British militia at the blockhouse numbered five50 or six men.51
The American raiders chased Creighton to the blockhouse. The British militia, “ . . . At the approach of the enemy they fired at and wounded three men of the enemy.”52 One of the wounded men was a lieutenant of one of the privateers.53 Not wishing to undertake a full assault on the blockhouse the Americans withdrew and, no doubt, continued to take a few shots at the blockhouse to keep the defenders down.
The gunshots at the eastern blockhouse alarmed and awoke the town. According to Rudolph, “The rebels directly divided in several parties . . .” and spread out over the town. Two of the parties “ . . . ran to our two batteries, spiked the guns, broke everything, turned the guns and balls down to the water.” Another group remained at “ . . . Mr Creighton’s, spoilt and burned his house and effects.”54 Meanwhile Creighton held out in the eastern blockhouse.55
The British regulars did not fare well. The corporal and four men were captured. Two managed to conceal themselves and eluded capture.56
As the Americans split up into smaller parties, the townspeople took alarm. Those who grasped what was going to happen moved to hide their money and valuables. Others panicked and were simply running about. The Americans were not looting however: they were after the militia officers. Most were quickly captured, as they came out of their houses.
The party assigned to capture Major D. C. Jenssen had a different experience. Jenssen had heard the gunshots and possibly been informed that raiders had arrived. He armed himself and fired at the armed party which approached his house. The Americans returned fire: “ They broke most all his windows by the shots which they fired and by endeavoring to get into the house . . .” As the Americans were beating in the front door, Jenssen fled out a back door,57 but he was not yet done for the day. He headed for the hill to the west of the town.
Another point of resistance developed near the commons. A party of Americans was attempting to plunder a house on the commons. A few of the town militia, which was now arming and rallying to the western hill, saw them and fired at them. Two Americans were wounded and the party fell back.58
Sack of Lunenburg, painting by A. J. Wright, about 1900. Note the teepee and the Indian warrior in the foreground. An imaginative painting of the raid. From Nova Scotia Virtual Archives. Online.
Meanwhile, the American fleet was sailing from Red Head around the eastern point toward Lunenburg Harbor.59 Around 0700 they came into the harbor.60 The first thing the American fleet noticed was that the blockhouse was still holding out.
The British in the blockhouse had “ . . . they kept up a brisk and animating Fire and declared their Intention to hold out to the last Extremity.”61 Babcock brought the Hero up close to the blockhouse and began firing his 4-pounders at the structure. The British “ . . . Animation subsided upon the Receipt of a few 4-pound Shot from the Hero and they reluctantly surrendered themselves Prisoners of War.62 Creighton had defended the blockhouse for “ . . . between two and three hours until the privateers came abreast and fired, when he was obliged to surrender.63 Creighton was captured along with the other five defenders.64 The surrender would have been about 0730. Either as a result of the cannon fire, or following the surrender, the blockhouse was burned.65 Creighton and two other prisoners were hustled out to the Scammel.
The Americans now proceeded to land more men. Babcock came ashore to take command of the operation. Four field-pieces made from ship’s guns were brought ashore.66 These were positioned to command the streets of the town.67 Other Americans took the western blockhouse, the picket line and the old fort,68 “ . . . which commands the whole neck of land leads from the country to the town so that the communication with the country being cut off . . .”69
Parties of Americans now began a house to house search, looking for small arms. “In the meantime other parties had overrun all the town, entered every house. seized all arms, which they either beat to pieces or kept, particularly the silver hilted swords and regimentals, to themselves.”70 The Americans how now destroyed or seized all the town’s defenses, rounded up most of the militia officers, posted a covering force on the hill commanding the town’s approaches, and disarmed the public. They had been ashore approximately four hours.
A few of the militia had rallied to Major Jenssen, on a hill overlooking the western defenses. Jenssen could only look on, he had so few men. He now had to wait for reinforcements, which he hoped would come from the aroused countryside.
It was now time for the plundering of Lunenburg. The plundering was well-organized. The Americans methodically moved along the wharves and commercial district: “Now they fell a-plundering the chief houses and the shops which they cleared. The sufferers are chiefly Mr. Creighton. his house robbed and burnt; Mr. Creighton, the store on the wharf cleared; Mr. Foster’s store; Mr. Jessen’s house spoiled and robbed; Knaut’s heirs’ stores robbed; Mr. Bohlman’s store robbed; Mr Woolenhaupt’s stores; Mr Donig’s shop; John Christopher Rudolf’s shop; Mr Munich’s and several other small shops. . . These are to my certain knowledge, but there are many more robberies and damage done whereof I am not yet informed.”71
The citizens were
“. . . terrified, and knew not what to expect. Some fled to the country; some made attempts at defence; some took cover; some tried to hide their valuables. The whole town was in the greatest confusion. The privateersmen entered the stores and the principal houses, taking what they wanted. . . . They showed a special fancy for the scarlet regimentals of the militia, and the silver-hilted dress swords. . . . Dry-goods, provisions, gunpowder, whatever would be useful to them was carried on board their vessels. The king’s stores beside the wharf yielded rich booty in ration beef, pork and flour. The powder and ammunition from the magazine were transferred to the Scammel’s hold. Twenty puncheons of “good West India rum” mentioned by the Boston Gazette must have been welcome.”72
“The town itself was a spectacle. What the Americans did not want they destroyed, or left laying about. An eye-witness reported the narrow streets ‘strown with laces, ribbons, cottons, and many other kinds of shop goods.’ And the Lunenburgers were forced to look on helplessly at the wanton destruction of their property. The ‘pleasing vivacity’ of the privateersmen showed itself also in a sort of impromptu masquerade. The wild-looking invaders, in their loose slop trousers and belts stuck full of pistols donned the red militia uniform tunics and stuck ‘cocked hats, and women’s bonnets, and mobcaps on their heads. The raid had a comic aspect to the raiders themselves.”73
“ . . . Through the scenes of confusion moved the tall lank form of the Reverend Johann Gottlob Schmeisser, in his strange, foreign, clerical garments, doing his duty as a man of God by expostulating gravely with the invaders and trying to stop the pillaging. But he was fresh from Germany, he had assumed his charge only two months before, and, as his expostulations were in his native tongue, they had little effect. Still he made himself a nuisance, and a squad of impatient Yankees laid hands on him. He resigned himself to torture or death, but they only roped him, hands and feet. and left him lying like a trussed fowl in the middle of the Parade. . . .”74
After the initial shock had worn off the news began to travel through the hinterland. Major Joseph Pernette, at La Have, heard the news about noon. Since no cannon shots, the signal for the militia to gather, had been heard, “ . . . the people who lived at a distance from the town were not alarmed and knew nothing of what had happened till it was handed from one neighbor to the other, and it was near twelve o’clock before the news of the disaster reached me. As soon as I heard it I went down in a boat to the five houses where I ordered guns, say two 12 pounders, to be fired in order to alarm the militia in this harbor, and as soon as I had assembled twenty men I marched with them, leaving orders for the rest follow as fast as possible, and as I had in my way to the houses received a message from Major Jessen acquainting that he had early in the morning escaped from the enemy as they were breaking open his house, that he had since a number of the country militia and posted himself a hill at the back of the town I directed my march thither notwithstanding I made all possible despatch it was past o clock before I could join him . . .”75
In the early afternoon Pernette arrived on the hill overlooking the town, with his few men from La Have. The two men began a consultation on what action could be taken to relive the town.76 The Americans had been observing the militia collecting on the hill and sent Wollenhaupt out to them under a flag of truce, “to say that if no opposition was made they would only take the merchandize in the town and would not injure buildings in town, which was acquiesced in.”77 Pernette said that, while consulting with Jenssen, “a message came out from our friends to us that the commander of the privateers had not demanded a ransom for preserving the town, but had said that in case the militia made the least motion toward them they would immediately set fire to it and burn every house in the place, that to prevent such a calamity they actually begun a treaty with them and begged that the militia would not by an untimely attempt prevent the negotiation and immediately after another message came out to us that the inhabitants had agreed to pay a thousand for the ransom of the town . . .”78
“Three of the leading citizens of Lunenburg, the Reverend Pierre de la Roche, “Ang. Presb.” as he signs himself, from Geneva, Caspar Wollenhaupt and John Bohlman, owners of the gutted shops, signed a promissory note for one thousand pounds in favour of Noah Stoddard, payable at Halifax (of all places) in thirty days.”79
Merchandise, money, wearing apparel, and other items, to the value of *10000 were confiscated and loaded aboard the privateers. Finally, the town was ransomed for *1000. Creighton and two others were taken as prisoners.80
Having thoroughly looted the town the privateers sailed between 1700 and 1800.81
The first reports of the raid were received in Halifax early in the day on 1 July.82 At that time the only two warships in the harbor were being refitted and could not be ready for sea for nearly two days. HM Storeship Cornwallis was rapidly83 fitted out, along with two armed brigs, all of which were unrigged with guns and stores out. These sailed late Monday,84 but probably Tuesday, 2 July, morning. By 5 July another ship sailed, commanded by Captain Douglas of the Chatham and with Captain Rogers (late of the Monk) aboard as a volunteer. The Albacore and another armed vessel (commanded by Capt George of the Charlestown) followed later in the day with 200 Hessians soldiers aboard.85
It seems likely that the privateers seized some of the vessels in the harbor, perhaps as much to carry off the goods seized ashore as for any other reason. Among vessels later libeled by the privateers, which may have been taken at Lunenburg, were the 18-ton schooner Mary (David Coming), libeled by the “armed galley” Hero (Babcock); the schooner Fox, and some dry goods, by the Scammel (Stoddard), which was said to have been captured in the “harbour Passy.” The 220-ton ship Live Oak (Peter Gordon), libeled by the Dolphin (Power) was probably captured on the trip home, as it seems such a substantial capture would be mentioned in the British accounts.86
Having “swept the town pretty well”87 the raiders sailed out of Lunenburg at 1700,88 after impressing a few local pilots to get them out of the bay.89 The heavily laden American privateers did not dawdle on the return trip, arriving in Boston no later than 14 July. After three weeks organizing the goods and merchandise plundered the goods were libeled in the Massachusetts Maritime Court of the Middle District on 5 August 1782, by the Hope, Scammel, Dolphin, Hero, and “sloop” Swallow.90 The trial was to be held on 20 August.91
It was perhaps after this raid, say September 1782, that the 70-ton snow Polly and Sally (Sim) was captured. Polly and Sally was bound from Barbadoes, British West Indies to Halifax, Nova Scotia with a cargo of rum and sugar. She was sent into Boston and tried on 3 December 1782.92 This prize had arrived at Boston on 15 September. near the end of September.93
The 100-ton brigantine Marquis de La Fayette, a recapture, was libeled in the Providence Admiralty court on 5 October 1782. Trial was set for 18 October.94 She was advertised for sale on 21 September 1782, along with her cargo of fish. In the advertisement she was described as 90 tons, and a fast sailer. The auction was to be held on 24 September.95
The 100-ton schooner Squirrel (Richard Coward), a re-capture, was libeled in the Providence Admiralty court on 5 October 1782. She was captured with the Massachusetts Privateer Schooner Hero (Commander Oliver Reed). Squirrel’s trial was set for 18 October.96 Other sources indicate the prize was 120 tons, and list the Hero as the “Hero Galley.” The Squirrell was advertised for sale on 30 January 1783, to be held at Providence, Rhode Island, on 6 March 1783. She was described as a 90-ton Virginia built, a “remarkable fast-sailing” vessel, pierced for 18 6-pounders, and almost new.97
On 12 October 1782 Stoddard libeled the 200-ton ship Aurora (Robert Lee) in the Providence, Rhode Island Admiralty court. Her trial was set for 18 October.98
Scammell was patrolling off the New Jersey coast in October 1782 when she fell in with two British warships. Scammell was chased and driven ashore. The British warships sent boats to board and burn the Scammell but met with such a hot reception that they retreated. The privateer was refloated and safely got into port.99
Scammell was re-commissioned as a Rhode Island privateer. [See Rhode Island Privateer Brig Scammell]
1 NRAR, 455; Allen, Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution, 275-276
2 Faibisy, A Compilation of Nova Scotia Vessels . . ., in NDAR, X, 1201-1210
3 The Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser [Boston], June 20, 1782
4 Faibisy, A Compilation of Nova Scotia Vessels . . ., in NDAR, X, 1201-1210
5 The Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser [Boston], June 20, 1782
6 Faibisy, A Compilation of Nova Scotia Vessels . . ., in NDAR, X, 1201-1210
7 Faibisy, A Compilation of Nova Scotia Vessels . . ., in NDAR, X, 1201-1210
8 Allen, Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution, 275-276
9 Faibisy, A Compilation of Nova Scotia Vessels . . ., in NDAR, X, 1201-1210
10 Allen, Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution, 275-276, from the Boston Gazette of 3 June 1782.
11 Faibisy, A Compilation of Nova Scotia Vessels . . ., in NDAR, X, 1201-1210
12 Allen, Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution, 275-276, from the Boston Gazette of 3 June 1782.
13 The Pennsylvania Evening Poft, and Public Advertiser [Philadelphia], Friday, July 5, 1782, datelined Halifax, May 14 and May 28
14 The Pennsylvania Evening Poft, and Public Advertiser [Philadelphia], Friday, July 5, 1782, datelined Halifax, May 14 and May 28
15 The Pennsylvania Evening Poft, and Public Advertiser [Philadelphia], Friday, July 5, 1782, datelined Halifax, May 14 and May 28; The Pennsylvania Packet or the General Advertiser [Philadelphia], July 11, 1782, from the Nova Scotia Gazette
16 The Pennsylvania Evening Poft, and Public Advertiser [Philadelphia], Friday, July 5, 1782, datelined Halifax, May 14 and May 28
17 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Philadelphia] July 17, 1782
18 The Pennsylvania Packet or the General Advertiser [Philadelphia], July 11, 1782, from the Nova Scotia Gazette
19 The Boston Gazette, and the Country Journal, Monday, July 15, 1782; The Massachusetts Spy: Or, American Oracle of Liberty [Worcester], Thursday, July 25, 1782; The Continental Journal [Boston], Thursday, July 18, 1782. All these accounts are identical, and will be cited hereafter as the “American Account.” Joseph Pernette to Franklin, letter, dated at La Have, July 3, 1782, reprinted in DesBrisay, Mather Byles, History of the County of Lunenburg, Toronto: Wesley Briggs, 1895, 65-67. Hereafter cited as “Pernette Letter.” Online here.
20 An assumption, based on subsequent events.
21 See Massachusetts Privateer Schooner Scammel for details of previous operations.
22 The Boston Gazette, and the Country Journal, Monday, July 15, 1782 and Monday, August 5, 1782
23 NRAR, 274, 335, 343, 455, 470; Allen, Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution,118-119, 175-176 180-181, 275-276; Claghorn, Naval Officers of the American Revolution, 11. Many accounts list a sixth vessel, a row galley. This could be a prize, a large boat, or possibly, the Hero itself. Hero is described as an “armed galley” in a libel. An unknown vessel on the Nova Scotia coast about this time is described in Fowke, “Red Coats,” as “equipped with sixteen sweeps to ensure speed in calm weather . . .” Cited in “Oak Island Theories:” “Red Coats”.
25 American Account
26 “Oak Island Theories: Sacking of Lunenburg,” a website devoted to the history of Oak Island, Nova Scotia. This extract is from Fowke, H. Shirley, “Red Coats.” in the Atlantic Advocate, 1962. This website reprints several contemporary documents and extracts from a book and an article about the sack of Lunenburg. Cited as “Oak Island Theories,” with the document or extract.
27 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 61
28 Murdock, A History of Nova Scotia, III, 5
29 MacMechan, Archibald, Saga of the Seas, “The Sack of Lunenburg,” London: Dent, 1923, 57-71; DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 60
30 “Memorial of John Newton, Caspar Wollenhaupt and Otho William Schwart to Sir A. S. Hammond, Lieut. Gov. of Nova Scotia,” published at “Oak Island Theories.” Cited as “Newton Memorial.”
31 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 64
32 “Oak Island Theories:” Fowke, H. Shirley, “Red Coats.” in the Atlantic Advocate, 1962.
33 “Oak Island Theories:” Fowke, “Red Coats.”
34 “Oak Island Theories:” Fowke, “Red Coats.”
35 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 62
36 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 62
37 Most accounts agree that the landing was just before dawn. The American accounts state the landing occurred at 0730, three hours after local sunrise. See the American Account.
38 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5. An account from a passenger, recently arrived at Halifax from Lunenburg; American Account
39 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 62, 64; Newton Memorial; Pernette Letter
40 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5; American Account; Pernette Letter
41 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5
42 American Account
43 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 64
44 Newton Memorial
45 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5
46 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 62
47 American Account
48 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” a statement sent to Halifax by Leonard C. Rudolph, printed in DesBrisay, 63-64. According to the NOAA sunrise/sunset calculator, sunrise was at 0435. In The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5, the passenger’s account states that the raiders entered the town at 0400.
49 Pernette Letter
50 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” Rudolph’s statement, in DesBrisay, 63-64
51 Newton Memorial
52 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” Rudolph’s statement, in DesBrisay, 63-64
53 Pernette Letter
54 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” Rudolph’s statement, in DesBrisay, 63-64
55 There is a legend about Sylvia, Creighton’s servant. “His faithful black servant, Sylvia, did yeoman service, carrying cartridge and ball in her apron to the fort from the Colonel's dwelling nearby. When the musket balls rattled against the walls of the Creighton house she sheltered the colonel's son with her body. Sylvia was something of a heroine. Tradition has it that she helped to load the muskets in the blockhouse and even fire them.” MacMechan, Saga of the Seas, 57-71
56 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 64
57 Pernette Letter
58 Pernette Letter
59 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” Rudolph’s statement, in DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 63-64
60 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5. The arrival of the shipping was, however, not at 0400.
61 American Account
62 American Account
63 Newton Memorial
64 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” Rudolph’s statement, in DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 63-64
65 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5; Newton Memorial
66 Pernette Letter
67 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 64
68 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” Rudolph’s statement, in DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 63-64
69 Pernette Letter
70 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” Rudolph’s statement, in DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 63-64
71 “Minutes of the Invasion and Surprise of the Town of Lunenburg, on Monday, July 1st, 1782,” Rudolph’s statement, in DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 63-64
72 MacMecham, Saga of the Seas, 57-71
73 MacMecham, Saga of the Seas, 57-71
74 MacMecham, Saga of the Seas, 57-71
75 Pernette Letter
76 Pernette Letter
77 Newton Memorial
78 Pernette Letter
79 MacMechan, Saga of the Seas, 57-71
80 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5
81 The Freeman’s Journal: or, The North-American Intelligencer [Portsmouth], July 31, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5
82 The Massachusetts Spy: Or, American Oracle of Liberty [Worcester], August 8, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5
83 Gwyn, Julian, Frigates and Foremasts: The North American Squadron in Nova Scotia Waters 1745-1815, Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003, p. 75
84 The Massachusetts Spy: Or, American Oracle of Liberty [Worcester], August 8, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5
85 The Massachusetts Spy: Or, American Oracle of Liberty [Worcester], August 8, 1782, datelined Halifax, July 5; Gwyn, Frigates and Foremasts, 75
86 The Boston Gazette, and the Country Journal, Monday, August 5, 1782
87 Pernette Letter
88 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 64
89 DesBrisay, County of Lunenburg, 68
90 This libel also serves to establish the presence of the Dolphin in the raid.
91 The Boston Gazette, and the Country Journal, Monday, August 5, 1782
92 Faibisy, A Compilation of Nova Scotia Vessels . . ., in NDAR, X, 1201-1210
93 The Massachusetts Spy; or American Oracle of Liberty [Worcester], Thursday, September 26, 1782
94 The Providence Gazette and Country Journal, Saturday, September 28, 1782
95 The Newport Mercury, Saturday, September 21, 1782
96 The Providence Gazette and Country Journal, Saturday, September 28, 1782
97 The Independent Chronicle, and the Universal Advertiser [Boston], Thursday, January 16, 1783
98 The Providence Gazette and Country Journal, Saturday, October 5, 1782
99 Mclay, History of American Privateers, 216
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