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Massachusetts Privateer Ship Cumberland




Cumberland

(1) Commander James Collins

Sloop-of-War

12 September 1777-[15] October 1778

Massachusetts Privateer Ship

(2) Commander John Manley
14 December 1778-28 January 1779


Commissioned/First Date:

12 September 1777

Out of Service/Cause:

28 January 1779/captured by HM Frigate Pomona


Owners:

(1) Paul Dudley Sargent et al of Boston, Massachusetts; (2) Edward Carnes et al of Boston, Massachusetts


Tonnage:

194, 275, 290, 296


Battery:

Date Reported: 12 September 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

20/6-pounder     120 pounds 60 pounds

  4/3-pounder       12 pounds   6 pounds

Total: 24 cannon/132 pounds

Broadside: 12 cannon/66 pounds

Swivels: fourteen


Date Reported: 13 September 1777

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: February 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

22/

Total: 22 cannon/

Broadside: 11 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 15 February 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

22/

Total: 22 cannon/

Broadside: 11 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 4 March 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

16/6 pounder      96 pounds  48 pounds

Total: 16 cannon/96 pounds

Broadside: 8 cannon/48 pounds

Swivels:


Date Reported: 7 May 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: June 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 3 November 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

22/

Total: 22 cannon/

Broadside: 11 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: 14 December 1778

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels:


Date Reported: [January] 1779

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

18/6-pounder     108 pounds 54 pounds

Total: 18 cannon/108 pounds

Broadside: 9 cannon/54 pounds

Swivels:


Date Reported: 29 January 1779

Number/Caliber  Weight        Broadside

20/

Total: 20 cannon/

Broadside: 10 cannon/

Swivels:


Crew:

(1) 12 September 1777: 181 [total]
(2) 14 December 1778: 151 [total]
(3) January 1779: 130 [total]


Description:

98′ in length, with a length on the keel of 90′, a beam of 24′, and a depth in the hold of 8′3″


Officers:

(1) Midshipman John Greenwood, December 1778-28 January 1779


Cruises:

(1) Boston, Massachusetts to St. Pierre, Martinique, [November] 1777-[January] 1778

(2) St. Pierre, Martinique to St. Pierre, Martinique, [February] 1778-[February] 1778

(3) St. Pierre, Martinique to Boston, Massachusetts, 29 March 1778-2 May 1778, with Massachusetts Privateer Brigantine Fair Play

(4) Boston, Massachusetts to Boston, Massachusetts, [July] 1778-12 October 1778

(5) Boston, Massachusetts to sea, [December] 1778-28 January 1779


Prizes:

(1) Ship [unknown], [January] 1778

(2) Ship Lady Gage (Joseph Royal Loring), [January] 1778

(3) Ship Taunton (Stanton), 4 March 1778, 270 miles east of Antigua, British West Indies, with [Massachusetts] Privateer Brig Fanny

(4) Ship Layton (Robert Johnson), [April] 1778

(5) Schooner [unknown], [April] 1778

(6) British Privateer [unknown], [April] 1778

(7) Brig Two Brothers (Thomas Glassget), [August] 1778

(8) Bilander Nancy (Thomas Thembs), [August] 1778

(9) Brig Friendly Adventure (Thomas Gorslidge), [September] 1778

(10) British Transport Ship [unknown], 22/23 January 1779, off the island of Barbados, British West Indies


Actions:

(1) Action with Pomona, 28 January 1779


Comments:

Massachusetts Privateer Ship Cumberland was commissioned on 12 September 1777 under Commander James Collins of Boston, Massachusetts. Cumberland was listed as being armed with twenty guns and as having a crew of 180 men. Her £10000 Continental bond ($10000) and her £500 Massachusetts bond were signed by Collins and by Paul Dudley Sargent and Nathaniel Crafts, both of Boston. Job Prince of Boston signed the state bond in place of Crafts. Her owners were listed as Sargent and others of Boston.1 The petition for her commission gives her burden as 296 tons, and her battery as twenty 6-pounders and four 3-pounders, along with fourteen swivel guns.2


The ship was later listed as 98′ in length, with a length on the keel of 90′, a beam of 24′, and a depth in the hold of 8′3″. Her tonnage was listed as 194 tons, but standard British calculation gives 275 70/94 tons.3


Cumberland made a cruise to the West Indies in the winter of 1777-1778, perhaps sailing in November 1777 and arriving at St. Pierre, Martinique in January 1778.


The 250-ton ship Lady Gage (Joseph Royal Loring),4 armed with fourteen guns and twelve swivel guns, and with a crew of forty-five men, was captured by the Cumberland. Lady Gage had a cargo of wine, tea, iron and liquor. She arrived at Falmouth, Massachusetts [Maine] before 19 January 1778,5 and was libeled on that date in the Eastern District. Trial was set for 10 February 1778.6 Lady Gage had formerly been used in the London to New York, New York run. She had been sold for £6100 before 31 March 1778.7


Perhaps in January 1778 a ship bound from Africa with between 300 and 400 slaves was captured by the Cumberland. This prize was sent into Martinique. The news of this capture was in Boston by 7 February 1778.8


Cumberland was at St. Pierre, Martinique in early February. A British intelligence report states that she was a ship of twenty-two guns and was “a compleat vessell compleatly manned and a prime sailor.” The intelligence erroneously states that she was a “Congress vessell.”9


Cumberland was sailing in the Grenadines, British West Indies on 15 February 1778. At 1000 she was sighted by HM Brig Endeavour (Lieutenant Francis Tinsley) near Ronde Island, flying English colors and standing to the northwest. At 2200 Endeavour saw a ship to the east, bearing down to her. At 2215 Tinsley hauled his wind to the north. The chase stayed to windward. Endeavour spoke HM Brig Pelican (Lieutenant John P. Ardesoif) soon after and then followed the chase in the night.10 At dawn on 16 February Endeavour was twelve miles off Ronde Island, still in chase. At 0600 the chase bore up under English colors, fired a gun and hauled to the north. By 1000 Tinsley had concluded that the chase was the Cumberland, which he said mounted twenty-two guns, and that she was going to outrun Endeavour. At 1100 Pelican tacked to the north, but a hard gale and heavy rains prevented the British from closing any further and Cumberland made off in the storm.11


A report of about 13 March 1778 indicates that Cumberland was still in the West Indies about the end of February 1778.12


Cumberland was at sea on 4 March 1778, accompanied by the [Massachusetts] Privateer Brig Fanny ([Commander John Kendrick]). They captured the ship Taunton (Stanton), owned in Bristol, England, and bound from there to Kingston, Jamaica. She was captured about 270 miles to the east of Antigua, in the British West Indies. The Taunton’s crew and passengers were put in the ship’s longboat, with provisions for two days. The wind was favorable and all got safely to Antigua in fifty-six hours. The British described the privateers as having sixteen (Cumberland) and fourteen (Fanny) guns, all 6-pounders, and “men answerable.”13


On 29 March 1778, Cumberland was preparing to sail, and was laying off the mouth of St. Pierre harbor, in company with Massachusetts Navy Brigantines Hazard (Captain Simeon Samson) and Tyrannicide (Captain Jonathan Haraden) and Massachusetts Privateer Brigantine Fair Play (Commander Isaac Somes).14 At 1800 on 30 March, in moderate, pleasant weather, Cumberland and Fair Play sailed.15


Cumberland arrived at Boston on 2 May 1778.16 She brought in with her a 350-ton ship, bound from Newcastle, England to New York, with a cargo of coal and a few goods. Collins also re-captured a small schooner bound to France with tobacco, along with a small privateer which had captured the schooner. Cumberland was said to be armed with twenty guns.17 The prize was the 200-ton ship Layton (Robert Johnson), which was libeled in the Maritime Court of the Middle District on 21 May. Layton was tried and condemned on 12 June 1778.18 A New York newspaper reported that Layton was from Shields, England and arrived at Boston on 2 May. The New York newspaper said that Cumberland was armed with fourteen guns.19


In June 1778 Cumberland was laying Boston Harbor. She was said to be armed with twenty guns.20


Cumberland sailed, probably about mid-July 1778, and headed to the north on her next cruise, going up to the southern coast of Labrador. Collins sailed along the coast of Labrador, west of the Strait of Belle Isle, destroying the stations for the sealing industry. Five stations belonging to William Grant, of the firm of Grant & Perrault, namely, Great Mecatina, Little Bradore, St. Augustine, Notagamia, and Mutton Bay were destroyed. Little Mecatina, belonging to Simon Fraser, and a fishery of Adam Lymburens were also destroyed. Collins left “one house standing, with provisions only for nine men for about two months, at the end of which it was expected that the Winter Fishing vessels would arrive from Quebec. . .” The British reported that Cumberland had twenty-two guns.21


Map of the southern coast of Labrador, showing the area that the Cumberland raided. Detail of a map in Whitely, “Newfoundland, Quebec, and the Administration of the Coast of Labradore, 1774-1783.”

 

There exists a remarkable letter from Collins to William Grant of St. Roc, a member of the firm of Grant & Perrault, dated at Little Mecatina, 23 August 1778:


“Having taken a tour on the Labradore Coasts I have visited several of your posts, and agreeable to the Rules of War Viz, The rule the Britain has adopted in the present savage war against America, have destroyed your works for the Seal fishery, leaving the dwelling houses, provisions & every necessary for the support of the poor people who may occupy them, having no disposition to destroy poor innocent individuals. I hearby wish the Subjects of the King of Britain had retained so much of the humanity they were formerly possessed with, as to have proceeded in the same line of conduct, but alas! So far from that, they have not only burned the habitations of the poor & inoffensive inhabitants of America whereever it has been in their power, but have stripped the clothes of their backs in the most inclement season of the year. We abhor such savage like proceedings, and only aim at weaking the sinews of an unjust & cruel war wickedly commenced against America.*Upon the whole, whatever is destroyed of your interest, you have only to thank your famous Lord North &c. &c. I have given the whole of what is not destroyed to the poor men in the present possession of them, hoping you will at least suffer them to enjoy a moiety without lett or hindrance, as it is for their sakes alone it is spared”22


The letter was signed “James Collins, Commander of the Cumberland Ship of War belonging to America.” The signature was followed by a postscript: “N.B. That we have not given away houses & lands before we have them in possession as Mr. Grant was pleased to dispose of those belonging to Americans, as encouragement to the Canadians, to join the British Army together with their good friends the savages, in order to butcher the inhabitants of America. Helpless mothers and innocent babes not excepted.”23


Three days later Collins raided Great Mecatina and took the two men there. He discovered the owner, one Pearson, was a French Canadian. Collins wrote to Pearson on 26 August, “I found on examination that you are of the french Nation who are our friends and allies and notwithstanding you are at present under they arbitrary and oppressive government of Great Britain I Have not suffered the least Damage to Be Done to your interest . . . We have treated all the kenedians at they Several posts Belonging to Mr. Grant as our own Brothers . . .” To make sure Pearson got the point he inclosed a copy of the letter to Grant, and closed his letter “If you are not a Detested tory I am with Due Respect . . .”24


Collins sent in a prize brig with a cargo of fish, which arrived at Boston on 31 August 1778.25 A second prize brig, with a cargo of sugar and cotton, arrived at Boston on 29 September 1778.26 At least one other prize was taken.


On 17 September, Collins, listed as Joseph Collins, libeled the 100-ton brig Two Brothers (Thomas Glassget) and the 100-ton bilander Nancy (Thomas Thembs) in the Massachusetts Maritime Court of the Middle District. Trial was set for 7 October 1778.27 The 50-ton brig Friendly Adventure (Thomas Gorslidge) was libeled in the same court on 1 October 1778, with her trial set for 11 November.28


On 12 October Cumberland came into port from her cruise. The Boston newspapers reported that she had taken some British vessels with fish. The newspaper stated that “she destroyed many fishing harbours in Newfoundland, and returned ballasted with lead. By this and other American cruizers the British fishery in that quarter has greatly suffered. The Poolmen particularly have sustained, and very justly, no inconsiderable loss.-The Merchants of that place, from the meanest and most mercenary views, were among the foremost instigators of that cruel act of the British parliament, which at once cut off these states from the fishery, by which thousands of families were supported, only because we would not resign our most essential rights into the hands of the despotic and unrelenting government of Britain.”29


Cumberland was re-commissioned on 14 December 1778 under Commander John Manley (Captain, Continental Navy). She was listed as measuring 290 tons, and as having twenty guns and a crew of 150 men. Her $10000 Continental bond and £4000 Massachusetts bond were signed by Manley and by Edward Carnes and Stephen Bruce, both of Boston. Her owners were listed as Edward Carnes and others.30 Other sources indicate that she was armed with sixteen31 guns and had a crew of 100 men.32 Among her crew was John Greenwood, serving as the steward’s mate and acting midshipman. He stated that she was armed with eighteen 6-pounders and carried a crew of 130 men.33


Cumberland sailed in early January 1779.34 Manley’s intention was to cruise off the island of Barbados, intercepting the homeward bound West Indies traffic. About 22 or 23 January 1779, the Cumberland encountered a British transport ship, dismasted in a storm, while running from St. Johns, Newfoundland to Halifax, Nova Scotia.  She was rolling “like a hogshead, keel out,” when the Americans caught her. Aboard was some clothing, wine,35 a captain, ensign, and sixty recruits36 for the Nova Scotia Volunteers. The clothing and wine were removed, a prize master appointed, and jury masts rigged. The prize was dispatched to Martinique.37 The prize got in close to Martinique and anchored near two French shore batteries at Point Saline. She was found by HM Frigate Venus (Captain William P. Williams), whose boats cut her out under fire from the French batteries.38


On the late afternoon of 25 January Cumberland made Barbados, sailing near enough to see the three signal flagstaffs at Bridge Town. Cumberland stood off during the night. At 0700 a vessel was seen bearing down on the Cumberland, with steering sails set. They were then about thirty miles to windward of the island. Manley set all sail and stood for her.39 Greenwood tells what happened next: “. . .  we likewise set all sail upon a wind and stood for her, running in a short time close under her larboard quarter. She proved to be the Pomona, frigate, thirty-six guns, 9- and 12-pounders, etc., 300 men, and as we had only eighteen guns, 130 men, we were obliged to try and make our escape.”40


 

Portrait of John Greenwood, about 1795. From Greenwood, Revolutionary Services of John Greenwood.

 
   
HM Frigate Pomona (Captain William Waldegrave), was not so strongly armed as Greenwood suggests. She mounted twenty-four 9-pounder and four 3-pounder cannon, with a nominal crew of 200 men aboard. Even so Pomona was far too heavily armed for the Cumberland to fight.41


Greenwood takes up the story of the chase:


“The frigate quickly took in her steering-sails, hauled her wind, and stood after us, but we held her a good tug all day until nine o’clock at night, firing at each other during the chase. One very singular circumstance happened during the day. The captain of the maintop came down into the cockpit for a drink, and as he turned to go back observed that he was certain he should never come down again alive, and it was but a few minutes after he reached the top that a doubleheaded shot cut him right in half. Sometimes the ships would be within musket-shot of each other, at other times a quarter of a mile apart, depending altogether upon the wind, which was squally; had it been a moderate breeze we should have got clear from them. As night came on it began to blow harder, so the captain thought it best to throw overboard eight of our guns, start some of the water, and clap the ship away three points free. This was no sooner done than the frigate, being right in our wake and within short distance, kept her course, and, shooting close up under our larboard [50] quarter, gave us four or five double-headed and round shot. Some flew among our rigging and one ball, striking us abaft the fore-chains, went through and through the ship, making her shake again. For some minutes we both lay quiet, the captain of the frigate ordering us to ‘strike your d... d rebel colors,’ which I, however, think looked fully as good as their own. At this time we had no national colors, and every ship had the right, or took it, to wear what kind of fancy flag the captain pleased. Our flag I will describe, as I think it a very singular one. First it was a very large white flag with a pine-tree, painted green, in the middle of it, and under the tree the representation of a large snake, painted black, coiled into thirteen coils and cut into thirteen pieces, emblematical of the thirteen United States; then under that the motto ‘Join or Die’ was written in large black letters.”42


“During the interval in which they were damning our flag and threatening to sink us, all hands were called aft to arm themselves with swords and pistols for boarding. Both vessels were then under steerageway and very near each other, and as our ship was to leeward of the Pomona, Captain Manley intended to clap the helm down and so let the frigate run her head or bow right amidships of us. In this event the Cumberland would have been sunk, and he who got out on board the frigate first would be best fellow. I presume we would have had a pretty tight scratch of it, for we had 130 picked men and not a sick one on board; I looked upon us as a match for their 300, and am confident we would have overpowered them, taking them as we should have unexpectedly. But the misfortune of it was that, on opening the arm-chests, not more than thirty cutlasses and a few miserable pikes were found, so the captain gave it up and ordered the colors to be struck.”43


As soon as Manley struck his flag and surrendered all discipline seemed to end aboard the Cumberland. Greenwood tells the events surrounding the transfer of the crew to the Pomona:


“This was no sooner done than the sailors rushed to the store-room, got out the liquor by pailsful, and became as drunk as so many devils. The regimental red coats of the British soldiers, which we had taken on our prize, were stowed away in the bread room; these also the sailors got at, for all was now good plunder, and rigged out in them, some too long and some too short, with shirt collars thrown open, tarry trousers, and all different manner of phizes, it would have made a saint laugh to see the men tumbling about.”44


“Meanwhile the frigate kept constantly hailing us to hoist out our boat and bring the captain on board, threatening to sink us if we did not obey; but as all discipline was now at an end not a sailor would get down the tackles. At last the petty officers made out to lower the small jolly-boat and our captain and two men went aboard the frigate, but had no sooner left their boat than it was dashed against the frigate’s main-chains and stove to pieces, for the sea was running very high at the time. The Pomona was obliged to get out her long-boat to take off our men, numbers of whom were now lying about the deck in their long red coats, dead drunk. When the British officer came aboard he exclaimed: ‘D your bloods! I believe you are all soldiers. Come, come, tumble into the boat and be d...d to you! Bear a hand!’ Some attempted to get in, others were taken up and thrown into the boat like dead hogs. I could not refrain from laughing, for I do not think I ever saw so funny a sight.”45


“I tied up a few pounds of chocolate, a little sugar, and some biscuit in a handkerchief, put some clothes in a small bag, and jumped into the boat with the rest. As soon as we were on board the frigate we were mustered on the quarter-deck and the master-at-arms was ordered to search us and take away all our knives. He obeyed his order punctually and with precision, for he took good care to secure everything else that we had in our pockets. A young midshipman with a very demure, innocent-looking face came up to me and told me to give my things into his charge, as he would take good care of them for me; he did so, for I never saw them again. Well, after having been plundered of everything, we were driven into the lower hold, among the cables, water-casks, and the devil knows what, for it was as dark as pitch and as hot as an oven. Here we were stowed so close that we had no room to stand, sit, or lie, except partly on each other, for with the exception of the captain, doctor, first and second lieutenants, and captain's clerk, we had all, officers and men, to the number of 125, been placed indiscriminately together. The sailors, being for the most part drunk, were soon snoring, but I could not sleep, could in fact scarcely breathe owing to the excessive heat, as we were now in the West India climate. Presently I ventured to climb up a post that had notches in it, and sat down on the edge of the hatchway, which was open, to get a little air. I soon found the sentry to be asleep, however, so passed by him and, groping my way to the scuttle leading to the boatswain’s store-room, down I went. As I was descending I put my foot, I presume, upon a rolled up steering-sail, but at the time I thought it was a dead man and that a number of them had been put there so that the funeral services might be said over them on the morrow, preparatory to launching them overboard. What made me think this was that we had had a fair chance all day, at times, to fire our stern-chasers plump into her forecastle,—in short, if we had not cut away her rigging as we did, she would have taken us before. You may imagine that I scampered up the hole faster than I went down and resumed my seat on the edge or combings of the hatchway, near the sentry who was still asleep. Although I knew that he would drive me down into the hold again if I woke him up, and perhaps run his bayonet through me, I pitied him, knowing that if caught asleep on his post he would be whipped, receiving from one to two hundred lashes, so I ran the risk and awakened him. The first words he said were: ‘For God’s sake, go down into the hold!’ I begged him to let me sit there awhile, but he said it was as much as his life was worth to do it, and that I must go down, so down I went into the oven again and toughed it out with the rest of them without a drop of water to cool our tongues. Neither did we have a drop until the next day at eleven o’clock. Judge for yourself how dry and thirsty the majority of our men must have been, who were so confoundedly drunk when first put down into the hold.46


“The next day was what is called ‘banyan-day,’ that is, the whole ship’s crew have a pea-soup without meat for dinner. At eleven o’clock they gave us some water to drink which was slimy and stank as badly as excrement, and at noon the cook, or some other devil, came to the hatchway with a large tub of boiled peas, as thin as water. At this time as many as could get there were crowded under the hatchway to get a little breath of air, so the old fellow, as he lowered the tub down, cried out: ‘Hello, below there! Clear the way! Scaldings, scaldings, and be d...d to you, my boys!’ As soon as the tub was down every one who could get nigh tried to obtain some of the peas, but we had nothing either to put them in or to dip them out with, so at last they lent us a tin pot, when we were a little better off. With the peas they gave us some broken biscuit full of worm holes, which was in fact the mere shadow of bread. As I had nothing to get the peas in I took my hat, knocked the crown in with my fist, and receiving some of the mess in the rude bowl thus formed, ate it out with my mouth like a hog when it was cool. Thus were we treated for three or four days, remaining all the while in the ship’s hold, until our arrival in Barbadoes harbor, when we were mustered on deck to be transported ashore.”47


Pomona arrived at Barbados on 29 January. The officers and crew were confined in the jail.48 Cumberland was also sent into Barbados. The prisoners were treated roughly, except for the offcers. Manley managed to bribe the jailer and got out of prison with his officers at night. They seized a government tender, put her crew in irons, and escaped to the United States.49


Cumberland was purchased into the Royal Navy as HM Sloop Rover. She was captured by HMCM Frigate Junon on 13 September 1780, then retaken by British Privateer Reglulator in January 1781, and re-commissioned on 11 February 1781. She foundered with all hands about 29 October 1781.50



1 Allen, Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution, 90

1 Allen, Massachusetts Privateers in the Revolution, 106

2 NDAR, “William Hoskins to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth,” XI, 301n3

3 Winfield, British Warships in the Age of Sail 1714-1792, 290, 291. The British captured two large American privateers, both out of Massachusetts; one was the Cumberland and the other was the Rover. Both were taken into the Royal Navy as sloops, and both named Rover. It appears that the dimensions of these two vessels are reversed in Winfield. In the bond applications for Cumberland, she is listed as 290 and 296 tons. On p. 290, Winfield gives her calculated tonnage of the ex-Cumberland as 208 78/94, far too small. The Americans were more in the habit of understating tonnage, rather than overstating it. On p. 291, Winfield gives the calculated tonnage of the ex-Rover as 275 70/94. It appears that the ex-Rover’s dimensions have been assigned to the ex-Cumberland.

4 NDAR, “Libel Filed in the Massachusetts Maritime Court of the Eastern District,” XI, 160 and note

5 NDAR, “The Boston-Gazette, and Country Journal, Monday, January 19, 1778,” XI, 159 and note

6 NDAR, “Libel Filed in the Massachusetts Maritime Court of the Eastern District,” XI, 160 and note

7 NDAR, “John Bradford to Robert Morris,” XI, 842 and notes

8 NDAR, “William Hoskins to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth,” XI, 301 and note

9 NDAR, “Memorandum of American Privateers in Martinique & the Conduct of the French towards the Americans,” XI, 423-424 and 424 notes

10 NDAR, “Journal of H.M. Brig Endeavour, Lieutenant Francis Tinsley,” XI, 352-353 and 353 notes

11 NDAR, “Journal of H.M. Brig Eandeavour, Lieutenant Francis Tinsley,” XI, 361 and notes

12 NDAR, “The Connecticut Gazette; and the Universal Intelligencer, Friday, March 20, 1778,” XI, 739-740 and 740 notes

13 The New-York Gazette; and The Weekly Mercury, Monday, June 15, 1778, datelined Montego Bay, April 11, 1778

14 NDAR, “Log of the Massachusetts Navy Brigantine Tyrannicide, Captain Jonathan Haraden,” XI, 834 and notes

15 NDAR, “Log of the Massachusetts Navy Brigantine Tyrannicide, Captain Jonathan Haraden,” XI, 838 and notes

16 Greenwood, Isaac J., Captain John Manley Second in Rank in the United States Navy 1776-1783, Boston: C. E. Goodspeed & Co, 1915, p. 104

17 The Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser [Boston], Thursday, May 7, 1778

18 The Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser [Boston], Thursday, May 21, 1778

19 The New-York Gazette; and The Weekly Mercury, Wednesday, June 8, 1778

20 Almon, Remembrancer, 1778, vol. 6, 288

21 Letter of William Grant, 3 November 1778, in De Costa, Rev. B. F., “The Cumberland Cruiser,” in The New England Historical and Genealogical Register, volume 34, Boston: David Clapp & Son, 1880, 278-280; Whitely, W. H., “Newfoundland, Quebec, and the Administration of the Coast of Labradore, 1774-1783,” in Acadiensis. Online here.

22 Letter, Collins to Grant, 23 August 1778, in De Costa, “The Cumberland Cruiser,”

23 Letter, Collins to Grant, 23 August 1778, in De Costa, “The Cumberland Cruiser”

24 Letter, Collins to Pearson, 26 August 1778, in De Costa, “The Cumberland Cruiser”

25 The Massachusetts Spy: Or, American Oracle of Liberty [Worcester], Thursday, September 10, 1778, datelined Boston, September 3

26 The Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser [Boston], Thursday, October 1, 1778

27 The Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser [Boston], Thursday, September 17, 1778

28 The Independent Chronicle and the Universal Advertiser [Boston], Thursday, October 29, 1778

29 The Pennsylvania Evening Post [Philadelphia], Monday, November 2, 1778, datelined Boston, October 19, 1778

30 Allen, Massachusetts Privateers in the Revolution, 106

31 Maclay, History of American Privateers, 192

32 Claghorn, Naval Officers of the American Revolution, 194

33 Greenwood, John, The Revolutionary Services of John Greenwood of Boston and New York 1775-1783, New York: The De Vinne Press, 1922, p. 48. Online here.

34 Maclay, History of American Privateers, 192-193; Allen, Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution, 106, from the Boston Gazette of 4 March 1779; The New Jersey Gazette [Burlington], March 24, 1779, datelined Boston, March 4. The name of the captor of the Cumberland is incorrectly given as the Juno.

35 Greenwood, 48

36 The New-York Gazette; and The Weekly Mercury, April 12, 1779, datelined Basseterre (i.e. St. Christophers), February 20, 1779

37 Greenwood, 48

38 The New-York Gazette; and The Weekly Mercury, April 12, 1779, datelined Basseterre (i.e. St. Christophers), February 20, 1779

39 Greenwood, 49. According to the Boston Gazette of March 4, 1779, the British frigate was incorrectly identified as the Juno.

40 Greenwood, 49

41 Winfield, British Warships in the Age of Sail 1714-1792, 236

42 Greenwood, 49

43 Greenwood, 49-50

44 Greenwood, 50-51

45 Greenwood, 51

46 Greenwood, 51-53

47 Greenwood, 53

48 Greenwood, Young Patriot, 98-101, 183n28. The British date the capture as 28 January 1779.

49 Maclay, History of American Privateers, 192-193

50 Winfield, British Warships in the Age of Sail 1714-1792, 290


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